Category: مقالات

Book Review: South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures




Book Review: South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures

5 November 2013


My review for The Friday Times


South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures is a comprehensive volume of essays edited by Adil Najam and Moeed Yusuf. Given the importance of the South Asian region, this book attempts to fill in a huge gap that has existed for decades. Discourses on South Asia for reasons well known, have been obsessive about all things security and in recent times terrorism. The editors note that South Asia “sits atop a globally strategic location” and gladly move on to other important topics, which makes this volume a useful contemporary reference. The introduction notes the immense potential for energy trade as well as the significant regional security implications for the world at large. This is why the future of South Asia is not just important to those who live in the region; it is duly a global concern. The 37 papers authored by 44 experts, in the volume trace the multiple futures and mercifully avoid the common fallacy of reducing South Asia to India and Pakistan and their bitter rivalries.

The introduction summing up the book rightly identifies that the idea of South Asia is a contested one and its ownership – political and economic – would determine the future. Commenting on the term Southasia introduced by Nepal based Himal magazine, the editors state: “…the future of the geography we know as South Asia will depend, at least in part, on what happens to the idea of Southasia. We are not in a position to say what that will be just yet, but it is clear that the aspiration of Southasianness is entrenched more deeply in the South Asian mind than we had imagined. It is an idea that our regional politics has often rejected and fought against. But the resilience of the aspiration suggests regional politics may eventually have to embrace it.” Thus the emergence of Southasia, a regionalized identity, will be a political process and the book suggests that there is no one course or prediction to hold it.

In this context the paper, the paper by US based Pakistani historian Manan Ahmad Asif entitled “Future’s Past” contends that though the immediate history of Pakistan and India might broadly be cause for pessimism (such as the violent partitions of ’47 and ’71), there is nevertheless a greater, storied and shared history that can be recalled in order to realize how communities in South Asia can peacefully co-exist.

Asif argues that our “immediate past” is what informs our understanding of the present, leading to interpretations that are rooted in differences and in ‘otherizing’. As he points out, “We take these ahistoricized words [coercion, submission, invader, Muslim, indigenous] and categories and proceed to give them universality that they don’t deserve even for the here and the now.” Similarly, he points out how the British too saw the divisions and focused on them, thereby exacerbating them. One cannot disagree with Asif when he posits: “To imagine a South Asia where difference is mutually comprehensible is also to look at the desi diaspora around the world.”

“We take these ahistoricized words [coercion, submission, invader, Muslim, indigenous] and categories and proceed to give them universality that they don’t deserve”

The editors of the volume identify the following common themes around which the book is organised: ‘Idea of South Asia’, ‘Regionalism’, ‘The South Asian State’, ‘Security and Development’ and ‘South Asia and Its People’.

The essays highlight how South Asia is a more of a competitive region than a cooperative one. The troubled experience of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and other attempts at regionalism testifies to this reality. Smaller states with much to gain from regionalism are themselves exasperated with Pakistan and India – the primary reason behind the regions failure to integrate. As pessimism reigns however, there are murmurs of optimism as Pakistan and India seek to open trade, perhaps leading to the reinvigoration of SAARC.

The theme pertaining to South Asian State is an insightful part of this volume as it traces the trajectory of the postcolonial states and how they have failed to maintain the social contract leading to a less charitable view of the future in many quarters. At the same time, the essays also highlight the immense potential for ‘constant metamorphosis’ of the state idea and are open to change with sufficient external and internal impetus. A pertinent observation extracted by the editors relates to the possibility of an inclusive, regionalized state. In a similar fashion the papers tell us that a region confronted with multitude of conflicts trumpets human development. The editors and some of the essays emphasise ‘co-dependence’ of security and development and an outcome which would be more people-centric rather than the current state or military oriented security discourse common in South Asia.

In her cogent essay, ‘Towards cooperation for poverty reduction?’

Safiya Aftab mentions the importance of entwining poverty reduction with economic growth, arguing that even if South Asia’s rate of development hovers around an acceptable 8%, that in itself will not lead to a reduction in poverty – or at least not a considerable enough reduction. She posits that there needs to be a “serious realignment of government policy towards income redistribution and investment in human development”, and that in the face of a lack of regional integration, growth on itself will not solve the region’s significant issue of poverty. A focus solely on economic growth without factoring in human development and wealth redistribution will only lead to greater disparity in wealth and prosperity, which in turn can lead to social unrest. South Asian states need to revisit their dependence on neo-liberal prescriptions and read Aftab’s essay carefully. In fact, the key factor influencing the future of the region relates to the future trajectories of economic cooperation.

Another well-researched essay in the volume, ‘Trade Relations: Some Predictions and Lessons by Pradeep S. Mehta and Niru Yadav tells us the gritty realities. The authors state how in 2011 “the total trade of South Asian countries amounted to $928.17 billion, with only $28.23 billion exchanging hands through regional trade.” Only less than 4% of South Asia’s trade was interregional making it the least regionalized areas of the world. Despite the numerous free trade agreements, political mistrust and a lack of political will have led to states pursuing their own bilateral FTAs, thereby circumventing the choked provisions of regional agreements such as SAFTA.

The key theme of volume – South Asia and its people – highlights how the countries in the region need to shift from a state centric position to people-oriented polities. There is now an emerging consensus that the people of South Asia are dynamic cultural, economic and political agents. With advances in technology, a burgeoning young population and democratic consolidation the power of South Asians to drive ‘change’ and demand rights is likely to increase. Regional cooperation initiatives such as Aman ki Asha and other movements are showing the path.

LIFE AND TIMES: Women on the streets of Tehran گزارش تلگراف

And say to the believing women that they cast down their looks and guard their private parts from sinful desires.”

— Sura Al Nour Verse 31

The Quranic advisory displayed prominently in the departure lounge of Tehran’s Imam Khomeini international airport horrified me. It warned women not to look men in the eye and conceal their curves from the male gaze. But is it decent to tell women so publicly to cover their private parts? Or be so brazen about sinful desires?

The excerpt from Sura Al Nour, or The Light, was displayed in bold letters beside a coffee and snacks outlet called Mehmandar, or The Host. I thought the exhortation left even pious women who had memorised the holy book squirming in their black chadors. Looking around I noticed that women outnumbered men waiting to board the Mahan Air flight to Delhi, and the majority of them were Iranians.

I turned to one in her mid-30s flipping through The Economist. “Is an airport the best place in the world for imparting lessons in sexual morality,” I asked, pointing at the advisory. “Definitely,” she replied. “The airport provides guardians a final opportunity to remind daughters about Islamic values so that they don’t go astray overseas. It’s like parting advice or last minute instructions.”

That made perfect sense from a deeply religious, conservative Iranian perspective. I was leaving after crisscrossing the country for two weeks in October-November when I struck up that conversation with The Economist reader. Her explanation made me rethink, besides reinforcing my overall realisation that to fathom Iran one must always talk to Iranians.

America, United Kingdom, France, Russia, China and Germany seem to have done just that. They talked and talked to Iran in Geneva, ultimately accepting its logic and recognising its right to enrich uranium. A dangerous deadlock was broken on November 24 after world powers grasped — and gave in to — Iran’s contention that it was entitled to enrich uranium for civilian use as it had signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

What really struck me about Iran was that it wasn’t doing all that badly despite so-called crippling sanctions. It had the look and feel of a first world nation. Tehran’s underground trains, art galleries and theatres stood out; the motorways crisscrossing Iran were a driving enthusiast’s dream come true, pollution was religiously monitored and law and order enforced uncompromisingly.

The nation oozed confidence, although income from oil and gas was down by 50 per cent, the rate of inflation and unemployment had risen to 40 per cent and its currency, the rial, had depreciated by half. But it still held its head high.

It can be debated whether handling adversity with such aplomb is driven by core civilisational values or wily calculation. But undoubtedly the whole country is extremely proud of its achievements since the 1979 Islamic revolution which turned Iran on its head. The biggest source of national pride is, of course, the country’s nuclear programme, acknowledged after a decade of confrontation, with Iran refusing to blink.

Parallels are inevitable as Iran was our next door neighbour until Partition. Conspicuously, nobody defecates in the open; men don’t urinate on the street, there are no beggars except the occasional Syrian or Afghan refugee, stray dogs don’t stalk pedestrians and spitting is definitely not a national pastime.

Sayyid Hameed was at the wheel of our left-hand drive vehicle as we drove to Esfahan, Iran’s top tourist destination, from Qom — headquarters of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei who is ranked higher than President Hassan Rouhani and bodies such as the Assembly of Experts, Guardian Council and Expediency Council which are more powerful than Parliament.

  • An anti-US banner in Qom

We crossed Kashan and were cruising past Natanz when Hameed suddenly announced that there was an underground uranium enrichment plant only five km from the highway on our right. Hameed’s pride in Iran’s nuclear programme was transparent like the windscreen: he was bursting with pride and dying to show us a national trophy.

If we took a detour we could have seen with our own eyes the Natanz nuclear facility at the centre of Iran’s raging dispute with the West. It was also possible to photograph it from the safety of our car. It was all very tempting to be honest — Hameed said he could drive past the plant if we were keen to see it. But we didn’t want to blot our copybook!

Nuclear plants, all said and done, are a big magnet. In 2005 I was on board Air India’s inaugural direct flight from Calcutta to London. First and business class was teeming with journalists and officials sipping red wine. As we overflew Iran, a very senior civil servant announced that a nuclear plant was directly below us. We peered from our windows but all we could see was the arid landscape where nothing grew.

On the ground, anti-Americanism binds Iranians together like Shia Islam itself — the country’s predominant faith. Anti-US billboards were a common sight in Tehran, despite a relaxing of tension. Even as Iran’s foreign minister Javad Zarif was closeted with US Secretary of State John Kerry in Geneva, a new competition for anti-American art was accepting submissions for various categories such as “Why U.S. is not reliable,” “U.S. and breaking promises” and “U.S. and self-conceit.” The best work will get US$ 4,000.

I met Mohammad Arab in Mashad — Iran’s second-biggest city where the eighth Shiite imam, Imam Raza, is buried; his shrine attracts 20 million pilgrims annually. Arab served in the Iran Air Force as an electronic warfare expert. The retired colonel pulled out a dog-eared American driving licence and social security card from his wallet, mementos from a stint at an aviation academy in California just before the revolution snapped defence ties with the US.

“I know America and Americans well. They cannot be trusted. How can we forgive the USA which brought down our plane, killing 290 innocent Iranians in 1998,” he asked angrily as his daughter nodded in agreement. “Obama telephoned our president in New York [the first direct conversation between the presidents of the US and Iran in 34 years] for selfish reasons. They need covering fire in Afghanistan as they leave. So it’s high time Iran dictated terms.”

A Western diplomat disclosed that Tehran was very upset with Washington until Iranian and American officials met regularly in Oman for the past year without which the November 24 deal wouldn’t have been possible. Apparently, the secret talks cleared misunderstandings which had piled up after George W. Bush’s “Axis of Evil” speech. The high stakes, face-to-face talks placated Iranians, clearing the deck for the landmark six-month interim nuclear agreement.

“Iranian leadership had good reasons to be angry with America. No less a person than Ryan Crocker, former US ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq, recently recounted the extent of Iranian cooperation. As Iran and America had a common enemy in the Taliban and al Qaida, Iran produced an extremely valuable map showing the Taliban’s order of battle just before American military action began in Afghanistan. Naturally, Iranians were fuming after Bush’s speech,” the diplomat said.

Tehran insists that it’s not building a bomb — and there is no reason to disbelieve it — but educated Iranians told me it’s a necessity because Israel has a nuclear arsenal. They cited India’s example as New Delhi justifies its nuclear capability on the ground that it faces a threat from a nuclear-armed China, and Pakistan justifies its bomb saying India has one. Iranians argue that if self-defence in a dangerous neighbourhood is good enough reason to have a bomb, then they are also entitled to that deterrent.

But I also heard voices of reason and reconciliation as Iran emerges from the shadows. Significantly, I heard them in the holy city of Qom, a 90-minute drive from Tehran. Besides being home to the dazzling Hazrat Masuma shrine, Qom is the ruling clerics’ ideological headquarters. Broadly speaking, it’s the equivalent of Nagpur — the Sangh Parivar’s nerve centre.

I slipped into Madrasah Faiziyah, the cradle of Islamic revolution, and was reading the commemorative bronze plaque outside room number 20 where Ayatollah Khomeini spent his formative years, when Hossin Motesadi Zadeh politely inquired whether I was from India or Pakistan. When I revealed my nationality, he hugged me exclaiming: “You are a friend”, even as his flowing robe billowed out around him in the chilly breeze.

Interestingly, seminaries in Qom and elsewhere in Iran train thousands of budding Shia clerics from many countries, including China. But Indians account for the largest number of religious trainees. Which is hardly surprising as India is home to over 50 million Shias — the world’s largest Shia population after Iran’s. Some Lucknow- and Srinagar-based Shia community leaders have, in fact, direct access to Supreme Leader Khamenei who easily grants them an audience.

Zadeh, studying at Faiziyah for 12 years, remarked that even the late Ayatollah Khomeini would have approved of the emerging d�tente between Iran and America. “The world and our region have changed drastically since he overthrew the Shah and branded America the Great Satan. So much so that Rouhani described America as a great nation just before Obama telephoned him. It can only mean that Iran and America are ready to do business as equals.”

همایش تخصصی روابط بین ایران و هند در عصر معاصر برگزار شد

دهلی نو- همایش تخصصی روابط بین ایران و هند در عصر معاصر به مدت دو روز در حیدرآباد مرکز ایالت آندراپرادش در جنوب هند برگزار شد.


به گزارش خبرنگار دریای پارس از حیدرآباد  این همایش با همکاری مرکز مطالعات اقیانوس هند دانشگاه عثمانیا و سرکنسولگری جمهوری اسلامی ایران در حیدرآباد و با حضور متخصصان ایرانی و هندی برگزار شد.

سرکنسول جمهوری اسلامی ایران  درحاشیه این همایش در گفت : دراین همایش 52 مقاله از سوی محققان و اندیشمندان ایرانی و هندی و دانشگاههای ایالت های مختلف هند ارائه شد. حسن نوریان افزود:

همکاری بین ایران و هند در زمینه انرژی، روابط تمدنی و فرهنگی بین ایران و هند در عصر جهانی شدن، فرصت های اقتصادی و تجاری ایران و هند و بررسی چالش های پیش رو، اهمیت ژئواستراتژیک بندر چابهار در توسعه مناسبات بین این دو کشور در حوزه امنیتی و اقتصادی از جمله موضوعات مهمی بود که در طول این همایش مورد بحث و تبادل نظر قرار گرفتند. وی گفت  دراین همایش از ایران هادی سلیمان پور رییس مرکز آموزش و پژوهشهای بین المللی وزارت امور خارجه و میر محمود موسوی سفیر پیشین جمهوری اسلامی ایران در دهلی نوحضور یافتند. به گفته سلیمان پور قرار است که این همایش سال آینده در دفتر مطالعات سیاسی و بین المللی وزارت خارجه در تهران با موضوع ارزش های مشترک فرهنگی و تمدنی ایران و هند تشکیل شود.

در این سمینار که به مدت دو روز ادامه داشت 38 استاد و پژوهشگر و کارشناس مسائل ایران و هند مطالب خود را ارایه نمودند.

محور سخنرانی ها بر موضوعات متنوع و مختلفی قرار داشت و ابعاد مختلف فرهنگی – سیاسی – اقتصادی و اجتماعی روابط دو کشور مورد بررسی قرار گرفت.

انتقال سیاسی و نوسازی در ایران و اسلام – نقش قدرتهای خارجی در اثر گذاری بر روابط دو کشور هند و ایران – اثرات منازعات منطقه ای و بین المللی بر روابط دو کشور – تاثیر تحریم های بین المللی و تحریم های سازمان ملل بر روابط اقتصادی هند و ایران – – همکاری دو کشور در زمینه انرژی و امنیت انرژی – خط  لوله گاز ایران – هند  ضرورتی برای تامین امنیت انرژی برای منطقه  –   ایران پلی برای اقتصاد هند بسوی آسیای میانه – برنامه هسته ای ایران و اثرات آن بر روابط دو کشور – نگرانی های امنیتی و راهبردی در روابط دو کشور – روابط فرهنگی و تمدنی و زبانی دو کشور – نقش ایرانی تبارها و نقش شیعیان در توسعه روابط فرهنگی سیاسی و اقتصادی – مبادلات تجاری دو کشور از جمله موضوعات مورد بحث و بررسی در این سمینار بود.

در سخنرانی افتتاحیه سمینار دکتر سلیمان پور رئیس مرکز مطالعات و آموزشهای بین المللی وزارتخارجه  جمهوری اسلامی ایران و همچنین  پرفسور ساتیانارایانا رئیس دانشگاه عثمانیه حیدرآباد و پرفسور سیدا گود مدیرکل مرکز پژوهشهای اقیانوس هند براهمیت روابط دو کشور و نیاز دو کشور برای توسعه بیشتر همکاری ها در همه زمینه ها تاکید کردند.

دکتر سلیمان پور گفت اولین نخست وزیر دوره استقلال هند با تمام وجود از روابط دیرینه دو ملت سخن گفت اما موانعی از جمله بروز جنگ سرد و عضویت ایران و پاکستان و ترکیه در پیمان سنتو مانع برقراری رابطه عمیق شد. اما به هر حال مشترکات و منافع مشترک دو کشور بسیار عمیق تر از آن است که موضوعات گذرا باعث کندی روابط شود.  منطقه خاورمیانه با مشکل خطرناک منازعات فرقه ای روبرو است که می تواند با دخالتهای قدرتهای خارجی  به بالکانیزه شدن منطقه منجر شود. هند و ایران باید از ظرفیتهای خود برای جلوگیری از افراط گرایی مشارکت کنندوی گفت مرکز مطالعات و آموزشهای بین الملل آمادگی دارد که سال آینده سمینار مشابهی را در تهران با تاکید بر گفتگوی فرهنگی و تمدنی با شرکت استادان برجسته ایرانی و هندی برگزار نماید.

وی گفت با توجه به اینکه هزاران سند، کتاب خطی و دستورات و فرمانهای حکومتی در حیدرآباد به زبان فارسی وجود دارد ضرورت دارد بخش خصوصی ایران برای ایجاد دفتر و یا مرکز دایره المعارف فارسی در حیدرآباد اقدام کند و اسناد و کتابهای فاخر خطی فارسی که میراثی مشترک هستندچاپ و ماندگار شود. نهادهای دولتی نیز مساعدت لازم را مبذول خواهند داشت

پرفسور پاشا رئیس دپارتمان آسیای غربی دانشگاه جواهر لعل نهرو نیز با بیان روابط تاریخی ایران و هند فراز و نشیبهای روابط 50 ساله ایران و هند را برشمرد. وی گفت ایران در جهت پیشگیری از افراط گرایی و نزاع های فرقه ای کمکهای شایانی به منطقه کرده است. ایران در مهار افراط گرایان در افغانستان نقش مفیدی داشته است. وی گفت هند و ایران به همدیگر نیاز دارند هند 80 درصد نفت خود را از خلیج فارس وارد می کند ایران مناسب ترین هدف برای تامین انرژی برای هند و بهترین مسیر ترانزیت کالای هند به اروپا و آسیای میانه است.

hadair abad فاطمه شهناز

دکتر فاطمه شهناز استاد دانشگاه جامه ملی اسلامی هند و همچنین راجیو اگروال از موسسه مطالعات و بررسی های دفاعی هند ضمن اینکه برخورداری از انرژی هسته ای را حق مسلم ایران دانستند و گفتند غرب حق ندارد به صرف داشتن نیت کسی را مجازات کند این قصاص قبل از جنایت است. ضمن اینکه آمریکا کشورهایی را که زردخانه هسته ای مخفی دارند را نتنها مجازات نمی کند بلکه آنها را حمایت می کند و این نشان می دهد آمریکا و غرب از شکل گیری یک کشور قدرتمند در منطقه خلیج فارس نگرانند و نمی خواهند ایران به قدرت برتر منطقه تبدیل شود.فاطمه شهناز بشدت سیاستهای تنبیهی غرب علیه ایران را محکوم و مردود دانست و آنرا خلاف اصول و قواعد روابط بین الملل دانست. وی گفت تحریم ها نخواهد توانست در اراده مردم ایران برای رسیدن به قله های پیشرفت خللی ایجاد کند. بهتر است که از فرصت پیش آمده  بین دو کشور استفاده نموده و بدون هیچ شرطی تحریم ها را بردارد و راه دوستی با ایران در پیش گیرد.

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دکتر محمد عجم  سخنران دیگر این سمینار، تجارت دریایی در خلیج فارس را در 4 دوره تاریخی  قبل و بعد از اسلام  شرح داد و حجم فزاینده تجارت دریایی دوره معاصر در خلیج فارس را در مقایسه با دوره استعمار در خلیج فارس  بر شمرد . وی از چهره هایی مانند تاگور، مهاتما گاندی ، ابوکلام آزاد و جواهر لعل نهرو  به عنوان چهره های شاخص و اثر گذار  در روابط  معاصر ایران و هند یاد کرد. وی گفت هیچ کتاب فاخری در قرون وسطی ایران وجود ندارد که در ارتباط با هند  مطلبی نداشته باشد در حالیکه نوشته های هندی در قرون میانه هند نسبت به ایران ساکت است .زبان فارسی پل و یا همزه وصل  برای معرفی فرهنگ هند به اروپا بوده است. زبان فارسی و معماری ایرانی در تمام هند اثر گذاشته است. 80 سنگ نوشته فاخر فارسی در هند وجود دارد که ثبت ملی در هند و یا ثبت میراث جهانی است. از 50 میلیون سند آرشیو ملی حیدرآباد 70 درصد آن به زبان فارسی و اردو است. بخصوص فرمانها و دستورهای حکومتی . در آرشیو ملی دهلی نیز 15 هزار سند وجود دارد که بخش بیشتر آن فارسی است.

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وی در پاسخ به مطلبی طرح شده  در مورد مشکل شورای همکاری خلیج(فارس) با ایران در خصوص جزایر سه گانه و نام خلیج فارس مستندات منحصر به فردی را ارایه نمود وی گفت علی رغم اینکه تا سال 1958 در هیچ نوشته ای به زبان عربی عبارت خلیج عربی بکار نرفته است. و تمام نقشه ها و مکتوبات عربی و غیر عربی و حتی احادیثی از پیامبر اسلام و مکتوباتی در تفسیر های قرانی اشاره به بحر فارس دارند اما عده ای از رهبران عربی در جهت حذف پسوند فارس از این نام تاریخی سرمایه گذاری کردند  این اقدام غیر علمی با انگیزه سیاسی و قومی  انجام دادند این کار خلاف اصول و روابط دوستانه و حتی توهین آمیز بود اما دولت  ایران سالها سکوت کرد. ولی حسن نیتی از طرف مقابل ندیدند.

 در مورد جزایر سه گانه ایران مستندات محکم حقوقی از سوی دوست و دشمنان خود و حتی اعتراف بعضی رهبران عربی را در مورد تعلق این سه جزیره به ایران دارد. اما در مجموع این موضوعات از نظر جمهوری اسلامی ایران موضوعات گذرا هستند و نمی توانند بر روابط دوستانه منطقه ای تاثیر گذار باشند. فراز و نشیب در روابط ایران با شورای همکاری خلیج فارس تاثیری بر روابط دوستانه با هند ندارد. در این سمینار همچنین تصویر بزرگی از دو نقشه و تصویر از کتاب استخری مربوط به هزار سال قبل در خصوص منطقه دیار هند ، سند و بحر فارس به مدیرکل مطالعات اقیانوس هند و دانشگاه عثمانیه اهدا شد که مورد توجه حضار قرار گرفت.

میر محمود موسوی

آقای میر محمود موسوی سفیر اسبق ایران در پاکستان و هند در سخنرانی اختتامیه سمینار ضمن جمع بندی مطالب ارایه شده با برشمردن عوامل واگرایی و عوامل همگرایی میان هند و ایران گفت مخاطراتی که از جانب افراط گرایان مذهبی متوجه منطقه است باعث می شود که ایران و هند بیشتر در موضوعات امنیتی و سیاسی تلاش کنند.وی گفت 4 عامل مهم موجبات تهدید امنیت و آرامش منطفه است- مواد مخدر و درآمد حاصله از آن- تروریزم و افراط گرایی – حضور قدرت های فرامنطقه ای – رقابتهای بین هند – چین و پاکستان و مشکلات مرزی و بحران آب در رودخانه های مرزی. وی در مجموع آینده روابط هند و ایران را دارای  دورنمایی روشن توصیف کرد و گفت آنقدر نیازها و سودمندی ها و منافع  مشترک در روابط دو کشور وجود دارد که هیچ یک از عوامل واگرا نمی تواند حرکت فزاینده روبه جلو در تعمیق روابط را کند کند. 

گفتنی است که 400 دانشجوی ایرانی در دانشگاه عثمانیه حیدرآباد تحصیل می کنند این دانشجویان در برگزاری سمینار مشارکت فعال داشتند. سالانه بیشتر از 40 هزار ایرانی به هند سفر می کنند اما سهم توریست هندی به ایران بسیار کم است.

ایالت آندرا پرادش با 80 میلیون نفر جمعیت به مرکزیت حیدرآباد از ایالات جنوبی و پنجمین ایالت بزرگ هند است.

IMG_3082 (2)

بر اساس آمار رسمی، 15 درصد و بر اساس آمار غیر رسمی بیش از 30 درصد جمعیت 80 میلیونی این ایالت را مسلمانان تشکیل می دهند.

این ایالت به جهات مختلف سیاسی، فرهنگی، تاریخی، علمی و اقتصادی از مناطق مهم هند و یکی از قطب های اقتصادی، سیاسی در جنوب این کشور است.

سابقه 500 ساله حضور ایرانیان در این منطقه، عامل مهمی در ایجاد تحولات سیاسی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی در جنوب هند شده به طوری که امروزه هیچ مورخ و باستان شناسی نمی تواند بدون در نظر گرفتن نقش ایرانیان و پادشاهان مسلمان و شیعه مذهب ایرانی در این منطقه تصویر کامل و درستی از وضعیت گذشته و حال منطقه ارائه کند.

اثرات این حضور تاریخی را می توان در معماری، زبان، فرهنگ، هنر و دیگر ابعاد زندگی مردم جنوب هند به خوبی مشاهده کرد.

Speakers at the international meet on relations between India and Iran at the Centre for Indian Ocean Studies, Osmania University. –Photo: by arrangement
Speakers at the international meet on relations between India and Iran at the Centre for Indian Ocean Studies, Osmania University. –Photo: by arrangement

Hadi Solaiman Pour, Director, Centre for International Research and Education, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Iran, has said that relations between India and Iran go beyond the purview of diplomacy and there is need for coordination between academic institutions to promote dialogue between scholars, academics and people drawn from art, culture and science. He was speaking at the International Conference on India and Iran in Contemporary Relations conducted by the Osmania University Centre for International Programme (OUCIP). Former OU Vice-Chancellor, T. Tirupati Rao said that there was much to be gained in the humanising factor, which has greater value than sanctions or security.

P.K Pasha, director, Gulf Studies Programme, SIS, JNU, dwelt on the evolution of the bilateral ties between Iran and India from the Nehruvian-era to the present times. The Director, Centre for Indian Ocean Studies, Prof. R. Sidda Goud said that papers were presented on various topics like ‘Impact of Intra-Regional Conflicts in West Asia on the India-Iran Relations’, ‘Relations in the post-Cold War Period: A Neorealist Analysis’, ‘Prospects of Cooperation’, ‘Contemporary Challenge to Indian Foreign Policy’, ‘Strengthening New Areas of Cooperation’, ‘Relation Against the Backdrop of Afghanistan,’ and ‘Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Programme – a Real Threat Or a Ploy By The West To Counter Iran’s Rise As a Regional Power’ among others. Former Ambassador of Iran in India Mir Mahmood Moosav and Hassan Nourian, Consul General of Islamic Republic of Iran, Hyderabad, spoke at the valedictory.

Faculty from different parts of India and abroad and scholars presented papers.



ایرنا سمینار بین المللی روابط ایران و هند در دوره معاصر در حیدرآباد برگزار شد.

*** دانشگاه  جواهر لعل نهرو /جنو 

جایگاههای دیدنی دهلی و هند 


K.Gajendra Singh


1. The term Hindustan has been used consciously so as to include Pakistan in it, by which name

the Sub-continent was known before its partition in 1947. This paper concentrates mainly on

languages as spoken by the masses, with their natural variations and not so much the written and

the literary forms. We will consider the two major languages, Hindi and Urdu, which are widely

spoken in Hindustan , although claims have been made that Urdu evolved out of Hindi and that

Hindi is only Urdu written in Devanagari script. But the fact of the matter is that both Urdu and

Hindi have evolved from the same colloquial base of Hindustani which was the lingua franca of

Hindustan till its partition. As the well- known scholar and outspoken historian Khushwant

Singh says, since then the Indians have made Hindi more Sanskritised and Pakistanis Urdu more

Persianised, with the result that it is difficult for a common man to understand either Hindi or

Urdu, specially their Radio and TV broadcasts. However, in spite of politically motivated and

necessary corrective measures which new ruling elites usher in to change the complexion of the

official language, if not the language itself, as has happened both in India as well as in Pakistan ,

the lingua-franca spoken by the common man in Hindustan , specially those who are illiterate or

semi-literate has not changed that much since 1947. The best proof of this is the language

employed in Hindustani films made in Bombay ( India ) which really represents the spoken

language of the masses in most of India , and which also remains equally popular in Pakistan .

Whenever the film language became too Sanskritised, the films have not been very popular. At

the same time, when a film on ‘Razia’ (a Turkish Queen of Delhi ) utilised too Persianised Urdu,

its lack of popularity could in some ways be attributed to the difficulty of the masses in

understanding it. Hindustani with its vast vocabulary, form and literary variety provides the lyric

and dialogue writer all the richness, elegance and nuances to express himself. Incidentally,

according to Encyclopedia Britannica (1990 Edition), more than 35 million Indians declared

Urdu as their mother-tongue while in Pakistan the number was less than one- fifth i.e. 6.7

million. (The compilation is old and estimates conservative.) Various forms of Hindustani are

spoken or understood by over 70% of Indian population. The Bombay films have played a major

role in spreading Hindustani in non-Hindi/Urdu speaking areas of South India and North-East.


2. The name Hindustani written as Hindoostanee was coined by an Englishman, Mr. J. B.

Gilchrist (1759-1841), who was the first President of the Fort Christian College , Calcutta which

trained British Civil Servants for service in India . Mr. Gilchrist also wrote a dictionary of

Hindustani and its grammar. As mentioned earlier, from Hindustani have emerged two literary

languages, Hindi in Devanagari script with literary and vocabulary borrowings from Sanskrit

and Urdu in modified Arabic script with borrowings from Persian. Hindustani is much older

form than Hindi or Urdu and many times it referred rather to the region and not so much to the

race or religion. As a matter of fact before the advent of Muslims and others in India , the

languages spoken in Hindustan were known as various Bhashas or Bakhas. Hindustani evolved

out of a score of dialects which are inter-related among themselves and to it. Some of these

dialects and languages are Hindwi, Khariboli, Brij Bhasha, Awadhi, Bagheli, Chhatisgari,

Bundeli, Kanauji, Bhojpuri, Maithili, Gujari, Rajsthani and when it was spoken in South it was

known as Deccani That these languages are dialects of Hindi as claimed by some is not strictly

true. Brij Bhasha was an important literary medium in 15th to 17th century. Both Brij Bhasha

and many other dialects are genetically of different Prakritic origin than Khariboli. All earlier

Hindi literature is in dialects other than Khariboli which became standardised and popular by

the end of the 17th century and language of literature only in 19th century. Brij Bhasha continued

as a medium of poetry till late 19th century. Thus, strictly speaking, the language of modern

Hindi literature is different from that employed in earlier period. The same can be said about the

Urdu which came to be written in the present form from 19th century onwards, although Urdu

poerty flourished much earlier.


3. Turkish language was under the influence of Persian language for centuries  One of the earlier writers of Hindustani was Amir Khusarao (1253 – 1325) a remarkable scholar of Persian and Arabic but of Turkish origin. He is claimed both by the Hindi as well as

Urdu protagonists. His dictionary, Khaliq-bari, in verse, of, Persian, Arabic and Hindi words

helped spread Persian and Arabic words and development of Hindustani. In recent times,

writers like Premchand have been claimed both by Hindi protagonists as well as Urdu

spokesmen. The only difference was that the same writer wrote some times in modified Arabic

(Persian) script and some times in Devanagari script. In this paper we would use the word

Hindustani to include Hindi, Urdu and the other forms like Khariboli, Hindvi, etc.


4. The general perception is that Hindustani and its earlier forms evolved out of interaction,

since 11th century AD, between persian  speaking Muslim invaders, rulers, traders and religious men and others

who had come and settled in Hindustan from the north-west and the local Indian population.

Persian was then the language brought by sophisticated Muslim ruling elite from abroad, which

was used for administration, courtly intercourse, etc.

یکی از زرّین‌ترین برگ‌های فتوحاتِ نادرشاه اَفشار

Nader Shah Iranin turkic ruler  in Indian war

Thus the main interaction was between Persian and the Apbhramsa variation of Prakrit in North and West India , in particular the

Suraseni variety spoken around Delhi and later with the Dravidian languages in Deccan , out of

which Hindustani evolved and developed slowly and unevenly. Many of the books on the

evolution and development of Hindustani were written by the Englishmen in 18th/ 19th century,

who learnt and used it for administration as officers of the East India Company and the British

Empire. It is doubtful if any of them knew Turkish as by the time they arrived on the scene, the

pre-ponderence of Persian during the latter stages of Mughal empire was well established,

although some Turkish was still taught in some Medrasas and households. Persian and Arabic

continued to be taught at universities and schools during the British rule.

Shimla In5Jul2013  (43)

Therefore, no credit at all except for some vocabulary is given to Turkish languages in the history of development of

Urdu, Hindi or Hindustani. It is, of course, conceded that the word Urdu (Ordu in Turkish) itself

is of Turkish origin and it means army or military establishment, which was inducted into

Persian by Il -Khanid historians and accepted in India by Sayyed ruler Khizr Khan for use by

his army and the Court, under the Timurid influence. By 17th century, during the Mughal rule, the

term, Urdu was generally applied to the imperial camp. The language Urdu/Lashkar

Bhasha/Hindustani perhaps started developing seriously as a means of communication from

end-12th century AD between the incoming Muslim rulers, soldiers, traders etc. and local

population, for use in administration, for trading with native shop-keepers, in harems, where

women and attendants were mostly of Hindustani origin. While Turks yielded to Persian words

in matters of administration, poetry and social intercourse, they retained many Turkish words for

military titles, weapons, military commands and organisations. Turkish derivations also exist in

the hunt and hunting, also in terms expressing relationships and conduct in court among the ruling

classes. We must not overlook the role played by Sufi saints in spreading Islam among the

masses by using the new evolving Hindustani. Even today, tombs of Sufi saints are revered

equally among Hindus. The objective of the paper is to advance the view that the Turkic

languages apart from vocabulary, have contributed much more than is acknowledged, both in the

basic structure as well as in the development of Hindustani languages.


5. The vast stretch of area comprising Central Asia , Iran , Afghanistan , north-west Hindustan ,

Anatolian Turkey, Northern Iraq etc. has seen intermingling of various races, cultures and

languages throughout history. At least since the days of Mauryan Empire in India (4th century

BC) many rulers with their capital in Hindustan had Afghanistan and parts of Central Asia in

their domains. Therefore, the language of these rulers and their religion spread into Afghanistan ,

Central Asia and Eastern Iran . Mauryan Emperor Ashoka and others sent Buddhist preachers up

to Central Asia and many of the tribes there became Buddhists. Turkic tribes like Sakas,

Kushanas, when they settled on India ‘s borders and inside it also adopted languages and

religions of Hindustan . They also adopted Indian scripts which were also transferred to Central

Asia, specially Eastern Turkistan . The way for exchanges was well-known, through the valley of

Kabul river, Peshawar , Jalalabad and through well known routes to Tarim basin. As a matter of

fact this area provided links for commercial, cultural and political exchanges between China on

one hand and India , Central Asia and Western Asia on the other, where intermingling of people

with diverse culture, race, ethnicity, religion such as Indians, Turks and others took place. In this

area, Budhist stupas and shrines, a large number of Bhudhist writings in Prakrit and writings in

Sanskrit as well as in local languages of Central Asia , in Indian scripts like Brahmi and

Devanagari have been discovered, apart from a large number of secular documents, written on

wooden tablets, leather, paper and silk. There are also translations from Sanskrit in Kharosti

script. Translations include astronomical and medicinal subjects. Documents discovered in 10th

& 11th century from Turfan region which can be seen in Berlin cover subjects like medicines &

calendar based on Indian sources. Of course, the Turkish in these documents is quite different

from the present day Turkic languages (Uighur and Cagtai group) spoken in Eastern Turkistan i.e

Kazakhstan, Kyrghystan , Uzbekistan and the Sinkiang region of China . As many philosophical,

spiritual and religious terms of Bhudhism and even Hinduism did not exist, they were inducted

from Pali & Sanskrit into Turkish. Thus Turkish acquired many words of Pali and Sanskrit

origin, some of which have even gone into other languages; Ratan becoming Ardhani is an

example. An example how words change is illustrated from the Budhist word Dhyan

(meditation), which became Jhan in Chinese and Zen in Japanese.


6. Although the influence of the Turkic languages on Indian languages began in all seriousness

from 11th century AD onwards to which we will come to later, various Turkic tribes began their

interaction with Hindustan much earlier than that. After the collapse of Mauryan Empire in 3rd

century BC, a number of Central Asian Turkic tribes, and others like Sakas in India and Scythians in

West, came to Hindustan and settled down there. Sakas were actually forced towards Hindustan

by Central Asian tribes, Yueh-chih, who also later entered Hindustan . Sakas ruled from Mathura

(South East of Delhi) and their well-known Kings in 1st century BC were Rajuvala and Sodasa.

They then shifted west to Rajasthan and Malwa. Yueh-chih’s chief, Kujula-kara Kadphises

conquered North India in 1st century AD. He was succeeded by his son Vima, after whom came

famous Kanishka. Kanishka’s tribe is known as Khushanas in Indian history. Their kingdom

based with Peshawar as capital extended as far as Sanchi in Central India and Varanasi in East

and also included large parts of Central Asia . Not surprisingly, administrative and political

terms from north and west India influenced similar terms in Central Asia . Kushanas became

Budhists and Kanishka spread this religion in Central Asia and elsewhere.


Other major tribe which entered later in 6th Century AD were Huns, a branch of Hephthalis or white Huns, whose first king came to be known as Toramana in early 6th century and whose son Mihirakula was a patron of Shavism, a branch of Hinduism. It has been said that these and other tribes which had

come earlier moved into Western and Central India i.e. in Rajasthan, Gujarat and Western

Madhya Pradesh, especially after the break-up of the Gupta Empire. Many historians claim that

by virtue of their valour and other qualities, these tribes were able to get themselves

incorporated into the hierarchy of the Hindu caste system i.e. Khatriyas and are known as

Rajputs (sons of Kings). It is no wonder that the Mongols and other Turkic speaking people

were able to form relationships with Rajputs so very easily.

Persian poem in Delhi mosque


It is possible that some words of Turkic languages might have been then absorbed in dialects or languages spoken in Rajasthan,

Gujarat and Central India , where these tribes settled. A common word is ‘kara’ which in Turkish

means ‘black’ and used for the same colour in West India and as ‘Kala’ in the rest of the country.

It is a moot point whether the word ‘bai’ which is written in Turkish as ‘baci’ and pronounced as

‘baji’ which means sister or elder woman has persisted from those days. But it was in areas of

Rajasthan and nearby, closer to Delhi where the seeds for the development of Hindustani

languages were sown.


7. After the expansion of Islam into Iran this religion soon spread to Central Asia . The Turks as

they advanced towards Anatolia and Hindustan via Iran and Afghanistan were also Islamised.

Being a simple but hardy people from the Eurasian steppes, where life was austere and without

frills, once the Turks acquired kingdoms, they also acquired along with it symbols and ways of

culture and civilisation, including the use of more sophisticated Persian (and Arabic), the

language of the people they conquered. (To begin with Omayands had also taken over Byzantine

system lock stock and barrel in Damascus ). It is noteworthy that except in Central Asia , which

remains the home of Turks and Anatolia i.e. Republic of Turkey (and Azeri areas), in most of the

other areas they ruled, the Turks adopted the language of the ruled, albeit they introduced some

of their own vocabulary and influenced the grammar of the language of their subjects.


8. In the medieval history of Hindustan , the Turkic tribes played a major role among the Muslim

conquers and rulers who came and made India their home. The Turkic raids began in the first

half of 11th century starting with Sabuktgin and the process of establishment of their kingdoms in

North & West of Hindustan started from late 12th century. Although Sindh was conquered by the

Arabs, soon after the establishment of the Abbassid Khalifate in 8th Century AD, this played

directly only a marginal role in influencing the culture and civilisation of Hindustan . It is

interesting that in Malayalam (language of Kerala), Hindustani is known as Tuluk Bhasha and the

word Tulukan used for Muslims and Tulukachi for Muslim woman. The languages spoken by the

people of Turkey is called Tuluk Bhasha. This is interesting because the relations between the

Kerala coast and the Arab world predate Islam and there has been constant interaction between

the Malabar coast of Kerala and the Arab world but still the word for a Muslim is Tulukan.


9. The impact and embedding of Islam and Islamic and Turkish culture into Hindustan took place

during the Turco-Afghan period of India ‘s history from end-12th century to early l6th century

(and continued during the Mughal period). Even if some of the Sultans and rulers claimed

Arabic or Afghan descent, the majority of the elite consisted of people of Turkic & Turanian

origins ( not many of these tribes and individuals came from the Rumi Seljuk or Ottoman

territories.) Many of them came as simple soldiers and some period chieftains. From the very

early days of the Islamic history (second half of Abbassid period), many non-Turkish kings and

Sultans maintained Turkish households of slaves brought over from Central Asia which

provided them loyal soldiers and military leaders. Many of them rose by hard work and merit

and reached the top ranks of the ruling elite and King makers. Some even became Sultans.


10. Some of the prominent names of Turkish rulers in Hindustan are Mahmud of Ghazni,

Muhammad Gori, Kutubuddin Aybak, Iltutmish, Balban, and of course, Khiljis (known as

Halach, in Turkish kh becomes h) and Tughlaks. According to some estimates, the Turks

comprised up to 60% or more of the ruling elite during the medieval period of Indian history. It

should also be noted that Timurid King, Babar, founder of the Mughal dynasty, was a Cagtai

Turk and wrote his Babarname in Cagtai and not in Persian. So did his sons Humayun and

Kamran write poetry in Turkish. However, by the time of Akbar’s reign the percentage of Turkish

chieftains in the ruling elite had been reduced to one-fourth. It was a conscious political

decision, as Turks and specially Mongols, nomad by life style, are more independent by nature

and believe in equality and freedom. The Turanian/Mongolian concept of ruler ship is vested in

the family and not in an individual. Humayun and Akbar had great trouble in subduing and

disciplining their Turanian/Mongol origin nobles. Preference was given to Persians, Afghans &



11. It has been rightly claimed by many scholars in South India that a considerable process of

development and even preservation of Hindustani took place in Deccan where it came to be

known as Deccani, although the seeds of the birth of the language had been sown in North India

from where it was taken to Deccan by Muslims conquers starting with Turkish Khilji (Halac)

rulers and later Tughlak (again Turkish) rulers; Muhammed Tughlak even shifted his capital to

the South for some time. Later a large number of kingdoms by Turkic tribes, in which they

formed a fairly large proportion of the elite, were established in South India , i.e Bijapur,

Golcunda, etc. When Allaudin Khilji conquered Deccan , the appointed Turks as chiefs for each

villa e to look after its security, safety and administration. Most of them called their relatives to

assist them. Thus both in the beginning of the evolution of Hindustani in the North and later in its

further development in Deccan , a majority of the elite was of Turkic origin who while using

Persian for administration must have used Turkish at inter-personal level and thus helped

continue evolution of Hindustani in its various forms. The Deccani period also saw influx into

Hindustani of not only Dravadian words but also its influence on its grammar and syntax and

vice versa. We might even say that the Deccani period probably saved Hindustani from

becoming totally Persianised as perhaps happened to it at many places in North India ,


12. It has been estimated that Hindustani and Turkish have thousands of words in common,

mostly from Persian and Arabic, Some estimates put them around three to four thousand, with

over five to six hundred words of Turkish origin in Hindustani. The comparison is basically

with the Republic of Turkey ‘s Turkish (of Oguz family), which since 1930s has been purged of

many Arabic and Persian words. Perhaps the number of common words between Hindustani and

Turkish as spoken in East, i.e. Uzbekistan and East (Uighur and Cagtai family) could, perhaps,

be more. Some examples of Turkish(some may be persian) words in Hindustani are: Top, Tamancha, Barood, Nishan,

Chaku, Bahadur, Begum, Bulak, Chadar, Chhatri, Chakachak, chikin (embroidery), Chamcha,

Chechek, Dag, Surma, Bavarchi, Khazanchi, Bakshi (accountant), Coolie, Kanat, Kiyma, Kulcha,

Korma, Kotwal, Daroga, Koka, Kenchi, Naukar, etc. Obviously, the number of Turkigh words in

Hindustani is not as large as that of Persian and Arabic, because, the latter was the language of

the Holy Koran (although Seljuk Turk rulers in Asia Minor and Iran had discouraged use of

Arabic except for religion), which exercised influence over all believers and the former was the

language of administration and aristocracy. 


13. Hindustani has surprising similarity in Grammar and Syntax structure with Turkish, though

origins of both the languages are from different language families. For example, normally both in

Hindustani and in Turkish first comes the subject, then the object etc. and finally tie verb, i.e.

SOV order unless emphasis is to be given, with somewhat similar stem endings. There are

considerable resemblances in the declensions of the verb in Turkish and Hindustani. But,

Turkish has only one gender while Hindustani has two. As I know some Arabic, I can say that

there appears no similarity at all between Hindustani and Arabic syntax and grammar. I know

little Sanskrit or Persian grammar, but both languages belong to the same family of Indo-Iranian

group and my feeling is that their syntax is also closer to Hindustani. While Persian like Turkish

has one gender, Sanskrit has three, i.e. male, female and neuter. Sanskrit also allows more

flexibility in the placing of subject, object, etc. It may be admitted that human beings while

evolving speech patterns did not have much choice in shuffling subject, object, verb, etc. Still

that Sanskrit/Persian syntax is somewhat similar to Turkish, is a somewhat strange coincidence,

the latter belonging to the Ural-Altay group of languages. With Hindustani the similarity is

further accentuated. It may also be noted that the areas from where Turkish and Indo-European

languages emerged in Central Asia were not far from each other. Some similarities with Sanskrit

are: dvihyrdaya (carrying two hearts, pregnant), in Turkish “iki canli” means, the same, two

lives. In Hindi/Sanskrit, we have Chitrakar (painter) , Murtikar  in Persian Negar kar. In Turkish we have “Sanatkar”

(Artist), Curetkar (courageous). Sun in Sanskrit/Hindi is Dinesha, while in Turkish it is

“Gunes.” First segment in both “din” and “gun” means day – perhaps linked with sunrise in cold

climate. We may also note that the syntax of Germanic languages is quite different from Sanskrit

and Persian, which are supposed to belong to the same family of Indo-European languages. We

may now look at more similarities between Hindustani and Turkish. (Please note that in Turkish

C is pronounced as J and C as Ch, G is silent when placed between vowels, which it

accentuates. H: stands for Hindustani and T: for Turkish.)


14. There are no articles or declensions in Turkish or Hindustani; the relationship of the words

are expressed through ‘case endings’ as well as post-positions. (It would be interesting to study

if Turkish helped speedy change-over from declensions to post-positions from Apbhramsh to

Hindustani). The infinite noun functions as nominative and as indefinite. The accusative has thus

two forms: the definite (with accusative ending) and the indefinite (the same as the nominative).

Thus, “call a girl” – H: “ek larki bulao” T: “bir kiz çagir” but “call my servant”, H: “mere naukar

ko bulao”- T: “Benim hizmetciyi çagir”. The word order in Turkish and Hindustani is same

(This is also so in the following examples).


15. The genitive comes before the agent e.g. ‘the son of the teacher’ T: ‘ustanin oglu’ H: ‘ustad ka

beta’. The genitive also expresses possession: ‘whose house is this?’ T. “Bu ev kimindir?”, H:

‘Woh ghar kiska hai?’. If a noun is in present, it goes into the genitive. It must therefore be

constructed as: ‘the man(he) has a house’, T: “Adamin bir evi var”, H: “Adami ka ek ghar hai”.

Also ‘to have’ as incidental possession is similarly expressed: “I have a book”, T: ‘Ben de bir

kitab var’, H: ‘mere pas ek kitab hai’. The ablative is also used to express the comparative case:

‘the elephant is larger than the horse’ T: ‘Fil attan buyuktur’, H: ‘Hathi ghore se bara hai’. For

emphasis both languages use the Arabic adverb ‘ziada’ – for more. ‘In addition it can be rendered

as in T: ‘daha’ or in H: ‘bhi’. The adjective is before the active or passive voice and does not

change except in the case of (in H) adjectives ending with a. “The/a good girl, T: “iyi kiz”, H:

Achhi lardki”. The adjective can be strengthened in both languages through simple repetition as

well as through the adverb “very much ” T:( pek çok); H:( bahut).In H:’ Ahista ahista’ (slowly),

T:’ yavas yavas’. Quickly becomes, T: “çabuk çabuk”, H: ‘Jaldi Jaldi'( not used in Arabic and

Sanskrit perhaps). Sometimes alliteration is used, for example, H: ‘ulta multa’ mixed up. The

alliterations are found especially in the passive or active voice (substantive) e.g.;. H: “kitab

mitab” – books and suchlike and “bartan wartan”- dishes and suchlike, “Hara bhara”(Green),

“Chota mota”(small). In Turkish, ‘kötu mötu’ (so-so), ‘çocuk mocuk'(children etc), ‘tabak mabak’,

(plates and suchlike). Popular in both languages are doubled substantives: Turn by turn or “again

and again”, becomes in T: “dizi dizi” and in H: ‘ bari bari ‘.


16. Distributive are also thus expressed: “each man”, T: “bir bir (or tek tek) adam,” H: “ek ek

adami”, the interrogative further contains the meaning of the indefinite: “whoever”, T: “kim kim”,

H: “jo jo”. With number it is, T: “iki defa” H: “do dafa” (twice); 40 doors, in H: “Chalis

darwaza”, T: kirk kapi. In both languages numbers are preferably expressed without ‘and/or’ e.g.

‘five or ten’, H: panch das, T: bes on. Post positions are characteristic in both languages; ‘for the

dog’in H: ‘kutte ke vaste’, T: ‘köpek için’; and towards the house’, H: ‘ghar ke taraf’, T: ‘evin

tarafina’. As mentioned earlier, the verb is always found at the end of the sentence. The normal

sentence structure SOV is illustrated as follows: ‘I give this thick book with pleasure to that

good child’, T: ben sevincle, o iyi çocuga bu kalin kitabi veriyorum, H: ‘main khushi se us achhe

bacche ko yeh moti kitab deta hun’. In Turkish, verbs are often used with a Substantive or

Participle e.g. ‘etmek’ to make and ‘olmak’ to be, in H: ‘karna’- to do, and ‘hona’ -being. For

‘search’ T: ‘telaÿ etmek’, H: ‘talas karna’. Or ‘be present’, T: ‘dahil olmak’ H: ‘dakhil hona’.

Factual verbs are also similarly constructed. H: ‘bana’ (made), ‘banana’ (make), ‘banwana’ ( have

it made); in T: ‘Yapmak’ (make), ‘yaptirmak'( have it made), ;yapilmak'(to bo made); H:

‘Badalna'(to change oneself), ‘badlana'(changing), badalwana (to have it changed) becomes in T:

‘degismek’ (to change onself), ‘degistirmek’ (to change) and ‘degistirtmek (to have it changed).


17. Indirect speech is made direct ‘tell him to come here’, H: ‘Idhar ao usko bolo’, T: ‘buraya

gelsin diye ona söyleyin’. The verb root ending – ip in Turkish and the simple verb root in

Hindustani attached to the principal verb show the order of occurrence of an event. For example,

‘they saw the thief and held him fast’, H: ‘chor ko dekh umon ne usko pakra’, T: ‘Hirsizi görup

yakaladilar’. The constructed verbal form (in Turkish)- arak and (Hindustani)-kar, -arke serves

in the rendering of Subordinate or dependant clauses – ‘in which, during’ e.g. ‘taking a vessel, he

went to the well’ H: ‘bartan lekar kuan par gaya , T: ‘Canak alarak kuyuya gitti’. Also common

adverbial expressions such as ‘he came running’, T: ‘Kosarak geldi’, H: ‘daurkar aya’. As in

Turkish the twice repeated verb root plus e shows repeated or continuous action, as does the

twice repeated verb of the present participle, H: ‘main tairte tairte thak gaya ‘, T: ‘Yuze yuze

yoruldum’. Both languages have a number of vowel compositions, (in Hindustani) as when the

root as well as the (in Turkish) root plus a are set together with the declenated infinitive e.g. ‘to

be able to speak’ T: ‘konusabilmek’, H:’bol sakna’, ‘he began to say’ H: ‘woh bolne laga’, T:

‘Söylemege basladi’. Some similarities in idiomatic expressions are: the showing of suffering is

pointed out through the expression of ‘eating’- e.g. H: ‘lakri or mar khana’; T: ‘Sopa yemek’ – to

eat the stick – to get a beating. Endure suffering or to grieve, becomes in T: ‘Gam yemek’, H:

‘gham khana’. (Note: Many of the above mentioned examples have been taken from a 1955

article by Otto Spies on the subject – the only paper on the subject I have come across since I

published my earlier paper on 1.6.1994.)


18. The examples quoted above on the similarities of syntax, vocabulary, etc. Between Turkish

and Hindustani are based on comparison with the Ottoman and the present- day Turkish i.e. Oguz

branch as spoken in the Republic of Turkey . Syntax etc. of Turkish is quite similar to Eastern

Turkish i.e. Uighur branch although there are variations. But certainly the Eastern Turkish must

be closer to Hindustani as most of the Turkic tribes who came to Hindustan belonged to that

area. It may also be mentioned that of the common words in Turkish and Hindustani, whether of

Turkish origin or otherwise, 20% have quite different meanings and nuances when used in

Hindustani. This, of course is, true of even languages which have developed and evolved in

separate regions and are influenced by the environment and other factors and become quite

different from the original. Even in Turkic countries, the same words have different meaning e.g.

in Turkey or say in Sinkiang , Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan . It is for this reason that the Turkic

governments have set up Commissions consisting of scholars from Turkic speaking countries of

Central Asia, Turkey and Azerbaijan to prepare a comparative dictionary and grammar. (last

such attempt was made by Mahmud AI Kashghari in the 11th century AD.) The newly

independent countries in Central Asia feel that they must harmonise the syntax, grammar and

vocabulary of their languages. This has been the objective of many get togethers of Turkic

people, scholars and academicians, which have started taking place. Perhaps some Sanskirt,

Hindustani and Persian scholars could also join and discover further resemblance between

Turkish and Hindustani languages.


19. We will leave it to linguists and philologists to work out how Hindustani languages evolved

and developed but to a layman it is clear that people learn or try to learn the ruler’s language or

of a dominating power. It is for this reason that we see the dominance of English and French in

their former colonies and the lasting influence of these languages on the languages of the latter.

And it is for this reason alone that English continues to dominate international communications,

earlier because of the British influence and now on account of ths USA . I believe that even

whene languages were imposed, it is not as such the movement of races, as claimed, but only of

the powerful elites; military, political or economic. There were Copts and Berbers in North

Africa when the Arabs came and Byzantine Christians when Turks entered Asia Minor . Turkey

sent over 1.5 million Christians to Greece in 1920s out of a population of over 11 million, in

exchange for Muslim Turks; this was after 6 centuries of Islamisation and Turkification.

(Ironically, these included many thousand Christian Turks, who had come to Asia Minor earlier

than the Muslim Turks and had remained Christians.) Moldova ‘s Turks called Gagaoz are

Christians. Thus the languages and religions of the ruled do not change quickly and continue to

interact and affect each other. So was the case in Hindustan and elsewhere.


20. According to linguists the evolution of Hindustani or any other language is a result of contact

situation in which more than two languages interact on the basis of belonging to the ruler and the

ruled. The socio-linguistic forces give power and prestige to the languages of the ruler with the

result that it begins to exercise linguistic influence on the language of the ruled. First in the field

of vocabulary and later on in some vulnerable areas of syntax. But linguistic resemblance, apart

from common parentage, can also be based on geographical and physical proximity. Essentially

different but geographically and physically proximate languages are often known to exhibit

shared linguistic features. This probably explains similarities in Sanskrit and Turkish as these

languages originated around Central Asia . This also explains the similarities between

Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages or Persian, Turkish and Hindustani. This feature was

studied in detail by Mr. Emeneau, which led him to develop the concept of linguistic areas.

perhaps Central Asia , Anatolia , lran, Afghanistan and North Hindustan could be said to belong

to overlapping linguistic areas, where languages belonging to different families have acquired

common traits following interaction, as a result of which, this vast area shows shared linguistic

features like word-order, reduplication, inter-relations, negations, compound words etc. This

also explains similarities between Deccani Hindi and Telgu in certain areas of syntax.


21. It is noteworthy that except for some inscriptions near Orhon river, which are in Turkish

Rhunic script, which itself was derived from Aramaic (a fact contested by many experts), the

mother script of Semitic languages, Turkish has been mostly written in the script of the ruled

people. Brahmi, Kharoshti and Devanagri scripts, though not of the ruled, are perhaps the

earliest of scripts used for writing Turkish as spoken by Uighur Turks in Eastern Turkistan . They

were used in spite of many difficulties in expressing the Turkish vowels (not easier to write in

Persian or Arabic script either) which do not exist in Hindustani languages. Brahmi script is of

Indian origin; it might have been inspired by the Aramaic script, but is not related to it and was

used widely in Hindustan even before the Budhist era and was used by Mauryan King Ashoka

for inscriptions in India and elsewhere. It was taken to Central Asia and other neighbouring

countries. Out of Brahmi have evolved most other North Indian scripts like Devanagari, Bengali,

Gujarati etc. Apart from the modified Arabic script, the other scripts used for writing Turkish

are Cyrillic, introduced by the Russians in what are now Central Asian Republics , although at

one time it was written in the Latin script. This change-over to Cyrillic perhaps took place both

because the Turkish Republic had adopted it in early 1930s and for reasons of state, i.e.

maintaining a scriptal cohesiveness. The Russians wanted its citizens in Central Asia to use the

same script as of the dominant Russian language for easy switch over. It has been alleged that

during the Soviet days, differences in meanings of Turkish words in different republics were

encouraged. Thus Turkic languages have evolved differently in Eastern Turkistan , i.e.

Uzbekistan, Kyrghystan Kazakhstan etc . Sinkiang Turkish with reduced contacts has perhaps

developed peculiarities of its own. To remedy the situation, the Government of Turkey has

granted tens of thousands of scholarships to students and teachers from Turkic Republics . A

large number of Turkish teachers have also gone to teach at schools and universities in these

countries. Students coming from Uzbekistan , Kazakhstan , Kyrghystan, etc. take a few months

before they can fully master the Turkish as spoken in the Turkish Republic . The Turkic

Republics have considered the question of change over from the Cyrillic to the Latin script.

Azerbaijan has already done so after adding three more alphabets to the script used by Turkey .

Turkmenistan had decided to switch over to the Latin script with some modifications from 1st

January 1995. Others have not decided yet. The choice is not easy as switch-over to Latin script

while opening a window to Turkey and all that Turkey has done through translations and

assimilation of knowledge from the West, would cut these Republics from their immediate past,

written in the Cyrillic script. Switch over to the Arabic script would be a political decision, as

it will make access to the Persian-Arab Islamic world easier. Those responsible for the

decision for the change-over have to consider political, cultural, religious, economic and other



22. It would appear that the Turkic rulers were much more statesmen-like and liberal in

interaction with those whom they ruled. They did not insist on their language being imposed on

the new subjects, notwithstanding the fact that the languages of some of the ruled were much

more developed than Turkish. (For beautiful, like, love; for example, Turkish has very few

synonymous, unlike say Persian, Sanskrit, Arabic, etc.) It has also been suggested that many

Turkish rulers became Muslim for political and state-reasons. It automatically combined the

powers of the Sultan and the Khalifa, thus making it easier to rule the domains. Of course, as

regards Turkish expansion of Ottoman Empire and into Hindustan , being a Gazi provided great

incentive and booty. Some have even raised doubts whether Ertugrul, father of Osman who

established the Ottoman (Osmanli) dynasty in Asia Minor ( Anatolia ) was Muslim by birth. It has

been suggested that he converted to Islam when he married the daughter of a powerful Islamic

Sheikh to strengthen his position. But there is no conclusive proof for this, notwithstanding the

fact that many Turks like Gagaoz and others have remained Christians. Some suggestions have

been made recently (Prof. Julian Raby of Oxford has done a PhD thesis on this subject) that

Fetih, the Conqueror of Constantinpole, even seriously considered in 1450s embracing Orthodox

Christianity, as Westwards the population was mostly Christian and even in Asia Minor a fairly

large percentage of population might still have been Christian. lt was nearly 15% in as late as

1920s. The generosity of the Turkish rulers and their political wisdom and acumen is proved by

the fact that they allowed people of other religions i.e. Christians, Jews, Armenians to have their

own millets. As long as they paid their taxes, they were allowed to run their own affairs and

even contribute to the economic well-being of the state. As regards Turkey , then known as Asia

Minor, it was part of the Byzantine Empire and the Turkish blood (if one can measure it?) among

the residents of the present day Turkey may not be more than 20%. It may be recalled that the

Ottoman rulers themselves used the slave households system called Devsirme, through which,

for hundreds of years, they recruited young non- muslim Christian boys, mostly from Balkans.

Out of them emerged the Janissary corps and high level military and civilian leaders, including

grand veziers. Only one-third of grand veziers could claim Turkish descent. Barring a few,

mothers of most of the Ottoman Sultans were non-Turkish, a large number of them Christians.

The former were allowed to have their religious entourage and many Ottoman princes were

brought up almost as Christians. These examples have been given to state that Empires did not

change their religious, ethnic or linguistic character suddenly. There were long periods of

interaction between various religions, races, languages and cultures, one affecting the other. No

wonder, in Istanbul , Ankara and elsewhere in Turkey , many resemble the peoples of Balkans

and Yugoslavia who dominated the Ottoman elite. In fact, anthropologists have counted more

than 20 ethnic groups in Turkey .


23. Similarly in India , once the Turks had decided to settle down, they started inter-mingling and

inter-mixing. Allaudin Khilji and his sons married daughters of Hindu Kings and from the

earliest period set an example. Hindus occupied positions of power in his court. The practice of

marriages with families of Hindu Kings, especially in Rajasthan became very common after

Mughal Emperor Akbar. Akbar and his descendents gave full honour and positions to their

in-laws. Many of them were Mughal Commander-in-Chiefs and high officials. Accountants and

many Veziers like Birbal were Hindus. If Mehmet, the Conqueror, thought of embracing

Christianity, Akbar conversed with the sages of all religions, of which his populace consisted of

and even evolved a new religion ‘Din-e-Elahi’. In contrast, Aurangzeb following fanatic policies

virtually destroyed the empire, built up by his forefathers. The inter-mixing and respect for

others’ languages, religions and culture co-existed with some equality and were able to influence

each other.


24. The objective of this paper is to start discussions and further research on the question of

influence of Turkic languages on Hindustani languages, especially on Hindi and Urdu and their

various forms. Except from late 18th century till first half of 20th century there was constant

exchange and interaction between the peoples of Hindustan and Central Asia . 

BBC Persian gulf

By Jon Leyne
BBC News

A Virgin Atlantic Airways Airbus Airlines that fail to comply with the ruling will be banned or detained
Iran has warned that airlines will be banned from flying into its
airspace, unless they use the term “Persian Gulf” on their in-flight monitors. The transport minister has threatened to impound planes that fail to comply.
The nation is most insistent that the stretch of water separating it from its southern neighbors should be known as the “Persian Gulf”.
To call it the Gulf, annoys the authorities; to call it the Arabian
Gulf, infuriates them even more.

BBC style is to refer to the body of water between Iran and the
Arabian Peninsula as the Gulf
Iran calls it the Persian Gulf, also the more historically recognised term , Saudi Arabia and most other Arab states insist on calling it the Arabian Gulf
Conferences are held to make the matter quite clear, an ancient map with definitive proof of the correct name was sent on a world tour. And recently a foreign member of the cabin crew working for an Iranian airline was sacked and expelled from Iran when he got it wrong.
Now the Iranian transport minister has given foreign airlines 15 days to change the name to Persian Gulf on their in flight monitors.
If they failed, they would be prevented from entering Iranian
airspace, he warned. And if the offence was repeated, foreign airliners would be grounded and refused permission to leave Iran . Numerous Arab airlines fly into Iran every day, not to mention
Europeans and others, so it remains to be seen how they will respond.
As for the minister, Hamid Behbahani, it may or may not be a
coincidence that he is making a stand on this patriotic matter at A time when he is facing calls for his impeachment for alleged lack of competence.

Is This Iranian Politician ‘Too Pretty’ For Office?

دختری در قزوین از راهیابی به شورای شهر بازماند و مشهور شد.! 

 باورتان می شه  شورای شهر قزوین موفق  شد یک سرگرمی بزرگی برای مطبوعات جهان  درست کنه . تیتر همه روزنامه های تفریحی و سرگرمی این است که یک  دختر ایرانی بخاطر خوشگلی از سیاست منع شد.  خیلی ناز است برای سیاست/ و … خیلی س… است برای سیاست.  اینها تیتز بعضی مجله های سیاسسی و غیر سیاسی است. خبر زیر ایندپندنت نقل شده اما در یوتوب نیز شبکه های تلویزیونی جوکهای زیادی ساخته اند. خبرگزاری ها  تیتر زده اند آیا این دختر خیلی خوشگله؟؟!  که نتونه بره شورای شهر!

روزنامه تایمز لندن، روزنامه ایندیپندنت، آبزرور، شبکه خبری فرانس 24 و شبکه خبری فاکس نیوز و… تایمز آف ایندیا و …  با بازتاب دادن ردصلاحیت خانم “نینا سیاهکالی مرادی” عضو رد صلاحیت شده علی البدل شورای شهر قزوین، این اقدام را به جذابیت های زنانه و پوسترهای تبلیغاتی این نامزد انتخاباتی نسبت داده اند.


An electoral candidate who won a place on a city council in Iran has reportedly been barred from taking up the seat because she is too attractive.

Iranian Politician Deemed Too Pretty to Hold Office

During the polls in the city of Qazvin,(Caspian) 27-year-old

Nina Siahkali Moradi received 10,000 votes, placing her 14th out of 163 candidates . She was named as an “alternate member of the Council” — in effect, the first reserve. But when one of those ranked above her was selected as mayor and gave up his seat, Moradi was disqualified and prevented from filling the vacancy. A senior official in Qazvin was quoted in the Times to have explained the decision by saying: “We don’t want a catwalk model on the council.”

Moradi is a graduate student of architecture, and with the help of friends ran a visually impressive and high profile election campaign . The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said that the disqualification was apparently because of her “nonobservance of Islamic codes” , and reported suggestions that her election campaign posters were the basis for complaints from conservative rivals.

“Almost 10,000 people voted for me and based on that I should be the first alternate member of the City Council,” Moradi told local media. The electoral review board, comprised of elder conservatives, disagreed.

Seyed Reza Hossaini, Qazvin’s representative in Parliament and a review board member, told the news agency IranWire: “Her votes have been nullified due to her disqualification, as the review board didn’t approve her credentials. We have told her the reason for her disqualification .”

During the polls in the city of Qazvin(Caspian)