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آریایی بودن از افسانه تا حقیقت

  آریایی بودن از افسانه تا حقیقت
معرفی کتاب Aryans, Jews ,Brahmins’ (2015) اریایی – یهودی – برهمن
در اواخر قرن نوزده مذهب به حاشیه رانده شد اما گرایشات قومی و نژادی بسیار قوت گرفت موضوع قوم آریایی که بیشتر در کتب مذهبی و افسانه ای و استوره ای آمده بود رنگ علمی به خود گرفت عده ای بر اساس متون قدیمی مدعی شدند قوم آرین از شمال دریای خزر  بسوی آسیا مهاجرت کرده اند عده ای دیگر گفتند  آرین ها ساکن فلات ایران و هند بوده و به اروپا رفته اند و بعد در دوره سرما زدگی شدید مجدد به آسیای غربی مهاجرت کرده اند.
امروزه فرضیه علمی کوچ بشر را از شاخ آفریقا در 50 هزار سال قبل به خلیج فارس و اروپا و سپس در هزاره های بعد برگشت مجدد به آسیا مطرح می کند بر این اساس انسان در پروسه مهاجرت به اروپا تغییر رنگ و قد و هوش داده است.. فسیل شناسان و باستان شناسان فسیل آریایی هایی را در ایران کشف کرده اند که 50 هزار سال عمر دارند پس افسانه مهاجرت اولا بسیار بسیار قدیمی تر از آن است که کتب قرون گذشته آنرا فرضیه واقعی می دانستند.
کتاب زیر به این دعوا اشاره دارد.

My study begins by charting the initial discussions regarding the Aryan in the work of Voltaire and his quest for an Aryan urtext in the Ezour Vedam. Voltaire sought in India a sophisticated culture as far removed as possible from that of the ancient Hebrews. In this respect, ancient India provided him with an alibi in the true sense of the term, an elsewhere upon which he could superimpose his critique of the Judeo-Christian tradition.

As canonical Sanskrit texts were gradually translated into European languages and disseminated, 19th-century mythographers sought to read the history of the Aryans through their myths. Aryan India was cut to fit the Romantic ideals of a revealed monotheism and the development of a people’s unique character, and their gradual degeneration. With the appearance of Max Mueller’s edition of the Rig Veda and his voluminous commentary, the Aryans were no longer merely Europe’s distant cousins. Their textual presence finally confirmed the existence of a tradition as old as (if not older) than that of the Bible. In the West, this “discovery” of the Aryans through the Veda effectively displaced the Jews from their central position on the world stage. The Jews could now be assigned a subaltern role in history. For the remainder of the 19th century, this myth of the Aryan was employed to construct an ideal imaginary past for Europe. It fostered nationalism and, in the process, identified a mythic scapegoat in the figure of the Jew. The Jew and the Aryan would now become the operative dyad, as seen in the work of Nietzsche, Gobineau, H.S. Chamberlain, and finally in the ravings of Nazi ideologues.

At roughly the same time that the European Romantics were speculating about their imaginary Aryan ancestors, the Hindu reformer Raja Rammohan Roy was laying the foundation for the Brahmo Samaj with translations of Sanskrit scriptures into vernacular languages. In order to affect his reform, Rammohan Roy felt that this literature needed to be liberated from

Brahmin custodians. Toward this end, the raja sometimes even rewrote texts to depict an ideal Aryan past in which certain religious practices (such as idolatry and sati) did not exist. With his translations, he established rules for textual validity and corrected the excrescences that he felt had led to extreme practices. The raja’s reform strategy was subsequently emulated by Dayananda Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj, who also sought to make Sanskrit canonical sources available to a wider range of believers by developing a series of interpretive strategies to extricate Vedic revelation from its hermeticism and ritualism. In order to portray the Aryans as sophisticated, Dayananda “translated” the Veda to show that they had knowledge of telegraphy and chemistry. The myth of the Aryan Golden Age promulgated by both these Hindu reform movements set the stage for the development of Hindu nationalism.

By the time of Tilak, an ideal portrait of the Aryan had been activated to foster national self-esteem. Like Dayananda, Tilak attributed to the Aryans knowledge of science and technology. As valiant survivors of an ice-age glacial catastrophe in the Arctic, the Aryans travelled from the North Pole to civilise the world. Tilak’s Aryans were so advanced that they survived this migration and brought their considerable skills (and their scriptures) to the lands they invaded. Vivekananda would further develop this theme of racial and cultural superiority. Unlike other Indian reformers, Vivekananda did not limit his campaign to the domestic front but exported it abroad. It was before Californian and Chicagoan society matrons that he detailed his vision of an Aryan future grounded in a racialist argument. In this glorification, it was clear that the Brahmin descendants of the Aryans would be the only true beneficiaries of this myth-making.

Jyotirao Phule and B.R. Ambedkar, however, recognised that these various theories needed reinterpretation in order to locate the struggles of the oppressed castes within the historical perspective of the Aryan conquest of India. Phule began by revising the Aryan invasion theory to define culture by its subculture. He turned the myth of the Aryan back upon the elite, by taking just those strengths and virtues attributed to the Aryan by Western Orientalists and Brahmin reformers and transferring them to the lower castes. Instead of appealing to an Aryan Golden Age, Phule called for the reestablishment of an alternative mythical age — a non-Aryan Golden Age during the reign of King Bali. More importantly, by challenging the myth of a utopian Indian past, he introduced the new category of reason into the discussion.

Ambedkar began his mission where Phule left off. Ambedkar started by challenging the authority of the Veda as the source of Aryan identity. He called into question its canonicity and infallibility and rejected its racial portrayal of the Aryans. He also questioned textually based social reform that clearly served the needs of the privileged, lettered castes. Ambedkar concluded that all privileged-caste Hindu speculation regarding the Aryans was nothing but a strategy devised to support Brahmin superiority, justify their overlordship over non-Brahmins and satisfy Brahmin

arrogance. In their anti-Aryan polemics, both Phule and Ambedkar launched a radical attack on Hindu revivalism, codified as it was in the elite myth of the past.

Valorising the irrational in myth was (and is) symptomatic of the same disease that enables the irrational to flourish in politics. It is this “underside” of myth that my book examines: how Europeans and Indians deployed myths regarding the ancient Aryans in their various reform and nationalist projects. In both the East and the West, the resulting conclusions were, unfortunately, the same. If you did not possess Aryan blood, you could not be civilised and those peoples identified as non-Aryan “others” needed to be neutralised or even destroyed. Phule and Ambedkar saw the danger inherent in the Aryan myth, challenged it, and sought to debunk it.

If someone had told me when I was writing this book that its thesis would be relevant today, I would have been surprised. But as I assess the present situation, I am astonished by the degree to which its thesis resonates today. I never envisioned that the Aryan myth could be resuscitated so easily, as in those instances when the elected leader of a secular India discusses the genius of the ancient Indians having knowledge of plastic surgery, aeronautics and reproductive technology; or when, on a recent visit to New York, he praises the superiority of modern diasporic professional Indians. Are such recent claims to past and present Indian exceptionalism any different from those of Dayananda, Tilak, or Vivekananda? The myth of Indians inhabiting a Golden Age of technological and moral advancement is the same. It has its believers, as recent events have demonstrated. In light of this ongoing deployment of the Aryan myth, our task becomes clear. We must remember the work of Phule and Ambedkar, and look to their legatees to challenge this mythmaking and offer a counter-narrative.

Excerpted from the preface to ‘Aryans, Jews ,Brahmins’ (2015) published by Navayana. Figueira is professor of comparative

literature at the University of Georgia, US.

– *اروپائیان از خاورمیانه ریشه می گیرند:مقاله به زبان انگلیس.

* – زبان فارسی

http://parssea.org/?p=7095

ریشه زبان هندو ایرانی

جشن هولی و جشن نوروز شباهتها و ریشه ها

اهمیت زبان فارسی در عصر دهکده جهانی

Similarities between India and Iran

         India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in his book Discovery of India,

“Among the many people and races who have come in contact with Indians and influenced India’s life and culture, the oldest and most persistent have been the Iranians”. Iranians and Indians throughout the history, even before settlement of Aryans in the vast plateau of Iran and India, had continuous traffic between them. The two countries that lie apart over distance of miles and distinct neighbors have shown ethnic ties and persistent similarities in many aspects of routine living.

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The similarities between India and Iran go far beyond ties of times; Sanskrit scholars in India had accounted linguistic similarities between the Indian veda’s and the Iranian Zend Avesta. Even today the similarities tend to exist, from delicacies to art and from entertainment to religious practice both share commonalities.
India has a unique connection with Persia (Iran), which dates back to the BCs. In 532 BC Iran’s greatest king, Cyrus took control of north-west India and his successor Darius extended the territory further to the east. The invaders brought with them their culture and ingredients like spinach, pistachio, almond, pomegranate, saffron and rosewater. It is interesting to note that during this time they were introduced to rice, a grain indigenous to India, which soon became and still is an Iranian staple. With the tint and mix of both shared culinary sciences the world has witnessed delicious authentic cuisines.
The two countries have similarities in the field of art and culture too. Paintings on the walls of Dukhang of Alchi monastery in Ladakh reproduce Sassanian (a period in Iran) motives on textiles. The walls depict round medallions with mythical animals that were evident in Iranian scriptures. The blue turquoise color that is now seen on most mosques of Iran was utilized by the Buddhist monks as color of meditation on Indian planes. The most ancient stringed instruments that were created by Iranian’s decades ago are being a motivated influence over the Indian music. Sufism was the result of spiritual interaction between Persia and India. Sufism, originally borrowed from India, returned to India with a distinct Iranian stamp. The mysticism of Islam came under the impact of Hinduism and its philosophy of Vedanta. Hinduism also accepted some Islamic elements such as equality and monotheism. Many Hindu saints combined tenets of Islam and Hinduism. Emperor Akbar (1556-1604 AD) even promulgated a new religion – ‘Din-e-Ilahi’ – a combination of the prevailing religions in India.
Trade expanded mainly because prehistoric Iranian’s introduced coinage, which facilitated exchange. India exported spices, black pepper and imported gold and silver coins from Iran. The grape, introduced from Persia with the almond and walnut, was cultivated in the western Himalayas. One of the earliest Indian words for a coin is Karsa (also a small weight), which is of Persian origin.

indian palace
If one traces the existence of religious practices early Persian’s (prior to Muslim invasion) had similar religious practices as that of the Indians. Prominent importance was given to Sun and the sole source of the Zoroastrians then. There are several parallelisms between medical, physiological and pathological doctrines of the Ayurveda and those of the Avesta in its surviving texts represented by the Vendidad, the Yasna and the Yashts.

IMG_3082 (2)ارجمند (2)1313فردوسی
The Persian word din (religion) is similar to dhena of the rigveda where it means ‘speech reflecting the inner thoughts of man’. Its Avesta equivalent is daena, a common word in Gathas meaning inner self of man.
A thread that was a compulsion for the males of the society to wear was a commonality between the two countries, the practice of sacrifice to fire as representation of Sun was carried on in both civilization. Rituals, names of God and goddess were found to be on similar line of thought. Over years and Mogul invasion of India the values deemed to reduce over the ethnic sharing, during the British colonial rule the ties became negligible.
The people of India and Iran, two ancient neighboring civilizations, have enjoyed close historical links through the ages. They had a common homeland and share a common linguistic and racial past. Over the several millennia, they interacted an enriched each other in the fields of language, religion, arts, culture, food and other traditions. Today the two countries enjoy warm, friendly relations and cooperate in a wide range of fields.

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Even today the ties between the two nations are considerably strong and are working towards achieving more goals from each other. It is improbable to deny the prehistoric existence of healthy cultural and trade ties that existed between the countries. The ties that the two country shares are growing over years, Indian universities are a popular destination for Iranian students for higher studies. Several high ranking Iranian officials and professionals have studied in India. There are a large number of Iranian students studying in universities at Mumbai, Pune, Bangalore and Delhi. The ties between the two countries are expected to flourish over years without being sidelined by the world politics.

همایش تخصصی روابط بین ایران و هند در عصر معاصر:

 برگزار شد.

 

 

اروپائیان از خاورمیانه ریشه می گیرند.

       _heritage_khorasan_

تقریبا همزمان با ظهور هیتلر و دیدگاههای نژاد پرستانه اش مبنی بر برتری نژاد آریایی  دیدگاههای دیگری نیز مطرح شد یکی از این دیدگاهها که بیشتر در هند طرفدار پیدا کرد این بود که اروپائیان از  تمدن رود سند  ریشه می گیرند بعدها گفته شد که ریشه آنها در تمدن بین النهرین و ایران است. اما امروزه با پیشرفت علم حداقل تا الان دانشمندان ثابت کرده اند  که انسان از شاخ آفریقا وارد دریای سرخ و بین النهرین و غرب خلیج فارس شده و از آنجا پراکنده شده اند بخشی به سوی اروپا رفته اند و در آنجا به خاطر تغییرات آب و هوایی تغییر رنگ و شکل داده اند در اثر جهش و یا تکامل  مقاله زیر در مجله  نیچر تا حدودی همین بحث را مطرح می کند

If people like Adolf Hitler and Max Mueller are born again, they may have to bring in another theory to substantiate their racial superiority. The Europeans’ claim for racial and civilisational superiority has been demolished and proved wrong by an international consortium of researchers which included genetic engineers, bio chemists, molecular biologists, archaeologists, historians and  scientists.

A five-year-long study by this team have found that modern day Europeans are the descendants of three distinct groups; the indigenous hunter-gatherers in Europe, Middle Eastern farmers that migrated to Europe more than 7,500 years ago and a mysterious population that spanned North Eurasia which genetically connects Europeans and native Americans.

“We examined bone samples of German farmers who lived 7,000 years ago, bone samples of nearly 8500 year old hunter-gatherers who lived in Luxembourg and Mottala in Sweden. This was compared with human genome samples collected from 2400 persons of 200 diverse population groups,” Kumarasamy Thangaraj, senior principal scientist, Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad, one of the lead researchers in the team told The Pioneer over telephone from his laboratory in Hyderabad.

The findings of the research are being published as an article in the latest issue of Nature, a highly venerated international scientific journal. According to Thangaraj, the findings disprove the age old Aryan theory once and for ever. “Initially we had demolished the Aryan-Dravidian divide. We found that there is no scientific basis for the claim of people in south India that they are Dravidians who are distinct from others in the subcontinent. But we found that people all over India has same genetic traits. The new findings demolish the Aryan theory,” said Thangaraj.

Dr David Reich of Harvard Medical School, said that the Europeans are mixture of three ancient population. “Earlier it was believed that the Europeans had only two ancestral descendants,” he said.

Some of the findings by this research are interesting and path-breaking. “It was the Middle East farmers who migrated to Europe some 7,500 years ago who taught the Europeans about farming and animal rearing. The modern day European population learnt consuming milk and dairy products from their Middle East ancestors,” said Thangaraj.

Dr Ch Mohan Rao, director, CCMB, said the study has thrown light into the origin of the contemporary Europeans. Dr Lalji Singh, former director CCMB and and one of the scientists said that the next project would focus on establishing the link between the ancestral north Indians and  .

Indians, Indo-Europeans, proto-Indo-European languages and civilisations

Aryans and Others

And at the end is an interesting article on Aryans and others by Prof Figueira on the subject, which becomes very relevant in India today when in the wake of majority in the parliament, with only 31% of votes, right-wing BJP leaders and their fanatic fringe outfits are trying to subordinate every other way of thinking, culture and language to their yoke. But for a crushing defeat in Delhi state  elections by Aam Adami party(Aap) led by Arvind Kejriwal, PM Modi and his party, especially its lunatic fringe would have made life miserable for many Indians, especially from minorities.

 

In the evolutionary ladder of governance, societies have moved up from the tribal model when the warrior chief, sometimes the head priest too, was the ruler. Security of the tribe and wars was their major preoccupation.

Then perhaps emerged city-states, kingdoms and after the tyranny of the elected and electable, real Democracy! This unfortunately is like the problem of a moving object. Never solved .In present times there are really no true democracies. The USA which Pres Obama claims as the oldest democracy is nothing but oligopoly in which, the corporate interests, led by military-industry complex decide who will be the next president, finance his election and then he is at their call whether it is Bush or Obama.

 

In India we do not even have a representative democracy because with percentage of votes of 31% only ,BJP has got a majority in the central Parliament .In India’s largest state of Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh rules with a majority after getting only 29% of the votes caste. I call them tyrannies because once a party gets elected; it keeps on using all unfair and fair means to get re-elected. Let that pass.

After the kingdoms and religion-based empires emerged, in Europe nation states based on some kind of common denominator, language, ethnicity, religion of people, etc came up .It was based on a common denominator. Never mind. It still persists. In creating language and common ancestry based nation states lots of myths have been created. To please the Turks, Kemal Ataturk, father of the secular Turkish republic had claimed that all languages emerged out of Turkish and Anatolia was the land of origin of the human race. Or something to this effect. Similar claims have been made by all nation states , beginning with Europe and elsewhere.

 

I made some study about the origin of Aryans, Indo-Europeans, proto-Indo-Europeans and their  languages, especially after my retirement from Turkey in 1996 and my stay there for more than year and half, where I found ample material at the British Institute of archaeology in Ankara. I have come to the conclusion that the terms, proto-Indo-European of proto-Indo-European languages from which all races and all similar languages have emerged is like finding a common denominator  ie taking bits and pieces from all tribes ,languages and cultures. A bit like defining the most fundamental particles in physics, mostly pure mathematics and speculation.

 

As for civilisations and culture, let me quote from my article on Eastern foundations of Western civilization, on Alexander, origins of western civilisation, Iliad and Odyssey etc

‘How Alexander “the Great “has been glorified as a Western conqueror of the East.  He was a small town homosexual boy who was taught the intricacies of state protocol, running of an empire and the divinity of the emperor by older civilisations of Asia Minor, Egypt and Persia. If he had followed the advice of his teacher Aristotle and not learnt from the so called barbarians, his vision would have remained limited and shallow.  The desert Arab tribes were civilized by the Byzantine courtiers and princesses in Damascus and Sasanians from Persia in Iraq after being conquered by Muslim Arabs.  So were the nomad Central Asian Turks and Mongols (also by Chinese) by the Persians.   

As there was little comparable civilisation in Western Europe and certainly USA in pre Christian era, they claim that there civilisation, culture and thought originates from the Greeks of Aegean and Asia Minor (Turkey).  According to them, Greek civilisation and culture evolved and flourished in Crete and evolved when Greeks (pirates) coming from the Aegean islands settled on the west coast of Asia Minor (called Ionia-Yunani) .Therefore Minoan civilisation of Crete forms the basis of Greek and hence Western civilisation.  

 It is too simplistic and illogical, if not downright absurd. Why not Cyprus, Malta, Sicily?  At that time, there were flourishing civilisations in Egypt, Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Persia, Sogdiana and India. Persian Empire extended up to western Turkish coast with Sardis as its outpost. Most Greek city states in Asia Minor were under the Persians, who could cross over the Dardanelles or the Bosporus at will or occupy Greek lands.  The first Greek victory over Persians is celebrated as Marathon race in sports.  The first victory of the West over East!  

Cretian civilisation is derived from Egyptian and Phoenician.  Both are indebted to Mesopotamian, verily the mother of all civilisations, which evolved mostly between Tigris in Euphrates in Iraq and southeast Turkey.  The evolution in human progress took off six millennia ago.  But fourth millennia BC was remarkable, not only in Mesopotamia but in the Nile valley and the Indus Valley. From family unit’s polity developed into villages and cities, kingdoms and empires.  The cities were ruled by a god and in his name by the king.  To begin with, the first deity was Earth, Mother Goddess. Civilisations in Mesopotamia were created by Sumerians, Babylonians, Akkadians, Assyrians and others. Nile got cylindrical seals from Mesopotamia and the beginnings of writing.  The Nile civilisation is magnificent, well preserved but unidirectional and flourished in isolation, without the stimulus of exchange.  

If one studies the Egyptian or Pharoanic civilisation, much has been contributed to it by the Nubians of Upper Egypt.  Many Pharaoh’s had thick lips and crinky hair.  Or La, Egyptians are bad enough and now to claim that the Sudanese might have influenced the Greek and hence the Western Judo-Hellenic Christian civilisation. Yes, after the development of civilisations in Mesopotamia and the Nile valley, it filtered to eastern Mediterranean, which became a cradle of civilisations, with exchange of ideas through trade and people. That is how the island of Crete acquired civilisation. 

The achievement of a civilization may be expressed in terms of its best points—moral and ethical, aesthetic, scientific, and, not least, literary. Legal theory flourished and was sophisticated. Early on, it was expressed in several collections of legal decisions, the so-called codes, of which the best-known and the earliest is the Code of Hammurabi.  Throughout these codes recurs the concern of the ruler for the weak, the widow, and the orphan.

There are 25 firsts achieved by Sumerians.  These include wheels, the plough, the loom, the potter’s wheels, the brick, and the sail, working with metals and finally writing. Technical accomplishments were perfected in the building of amazingly accurateZiggurats (temple towers resembling pyramids), with their huge bulk, and in irrigation, both in practical execution and in theoretical calculations.  At the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC, an artificial stone often regarded as a forerunner of concrete was in use atUruk (160 miles south-southeast of modern Baghdad); The ultimate weapon to spread civilisations remains systematic writing.  

Judaism, mother of all revealed Abrahmic religions in West Asia is claimed to be the first monotheistic religion.  But it could have been perhaps influenced by Avestan/Zoroastrian/ pre-Vedic religions in Mesopotamia. In 14th century BC it was an Aryan Mitanni (a kingdom at the borders of Turkey and Syria) princess Gilukhepa, perhaps the well known and famous Nefertiti, who fully supported her husband Pharaoh Akhenaton’s (AmonhotepIV) efforts to bring in (and perhaps inspire) monotheism, for single God Aton (Sun or Mithra like!). This concept was too sudden and undermined the vested powers of the priests.  It was dislodged and soon after Akhenaton was removed from power.  New work in Egypt is moving in that direction.  It was from Egypt that Moses led the Hebrews out to lay the foundations of Judaism.  

Now let us take the story of Iliad and Odyssey. For Western culture and civilization, they are almost like Mahabharata and Ramayana are for India, making its author Homer one of the most influential authors in the widest sense. The two epics provided the basis for Greek education and culture throughout the classical age and formed the backbone of humane education down to the time of the Roman Empire and the spread of Christianity.  The Homeric epics had a profound impact on the Renaissance culture of Italy.  Since then the proliferation of translations has helped to make them the most important poems of the classical European tradition. 

Iliad was finalized probably around 750 BC and Odyssey 650 BC (Greek writing started around 650 BC).  It is felt that Odyssey, so different from Iliad was not composed by Homer, the blind bard born in Asia Minor, but probably by a young lady (a Jane Austin) somewhere on the Sicilian coast with time to spare.  Let that pass. But there certainly is historical basis for the story of abduction of Spartan King Manaus’s wife Helen by Trojan Prince Paris.  Manaus’s brother King Agamemnon of Achaeans, then decided on a voyage of punishment and retrieval. This is when strangely an artificial line, straits of Dardanelles, has been introduced by the Europeans to divide the world into East and West and the victory over Trojans is taken as of the west over East.  Why?  Later Alexander made offerings at Troy (also at Egyptian oasis Siva) before embarking on his conquest of Asia. Ottoman Sultan Fethi after conquering Constantinople also visited Troy.   

We need not go into the details of the two epics and Troy.  But in the search to find the exact place and the time of the events, credit might be given to Heinrich Schliemann.  Inspired by Iliad’s description, he started digging at Troy site but damaged the real Troy.  He was a mythomaniac and big liar.  Paris’s father King Priam King of Troy is an hour’s walk on the Asian side from the Dardanelles.  This strategic site, controlling the sea borne trade from the Mediterranean and Aegean to the Black Sea and beyond has been inhabited since fourth millennium BC. Troy 6, site of Homer’s Iliad has been dated to about 1260 BC.  

At the same time, there was the majestic and magnificent Asian Hittite Empire (1800 BC to 1200 BC) in central Turkey, whose capital Bogazkoy‘s citadel has a circumference of five kilometersThe Troy fortress measures 200 yards by 150 yards.  Excavations show that Troy perhaps fell as a result of weakening by an earthquake.  It was assaulted and set on fire, women and children taken as slaves.  Evidence from Hittite archives indicates that Troy was a small state in alliance or subordinate to it. It was attacked when the Hittite empire was in decline and fighting its new enemy the Assyrians in the East.  So all this 10 year long Great Trojan war drama was a storm in a tea cup in the ocean of Hittite Empire, which extended from north of Turkey to Syria and up to Babylon (Iraq.)  Hittites were contenders for the control of Syria with the Egyptian Pharaohs and local Aryan kingdom of Mitannis in Turkey and Syria.   

The regions linking the river basins of Euphrates and Tigris, Oxus and Jaxartes, Indus and Ganges have contributed more to religion, culture and civilisation than the rest of the world put together. Comprising of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Central Asian Republics, Afghanistan and the Indian sub-continent, there has always been natural interaction in the area through travel, trade, migration and conquest for over five millennia, with many civilisations having also evolved and flourished in desert oasis.  The more civilized areas were dominated first by Indo-Europeans charioteers and then the horse riders from Asian Steppes who shaped the Eurasian history.  Aryans of India migrated from the steppes of north of the Black and Caspian Seas and Kazakhstan from 3rd to 1st millennia BC.  Later Turks and Mongols migrated from the eastern Asian steppes to the Indian sub-continent, Iran and Turkey then known as Asia Minor, where as mentioned earlier had evolved and flowered ancient Greek and Hellenic thought, culture and polity as a result of interaction of incoming Greeks with the existing Asian civilisations of Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Persia, and India beyond.  Turkey has more Greek sites than Greece and more Roman monuments than Italy. 

With a continuous history this area has been the cradle of most civilizations, thought, philosophy and religions; pre-Vedic to Vedic religions, Buddhism, Hinduism, Jainism, Sikhism, Avestan, Zoroasterism, Manichaeism, Judaism, Christianity with its various strands and schisms, Islam and such bye-lanes as Alevis, Alawaites, Yezidis, Druzes and many others.  Indo-Iranian, Ural- Altaic and Semitic languages have mingled with each other and local languages to produce such a mosaic of languages and tongues.  Culturally, linguistically, ethnically and spiritually there is no region in the world which is so rich and diverse but also has so much in common. 

Let us now take western (hence Greek) philosophy, which begins with Thales (who predicted 585 BC solar eclipse). Thales who established the Miletian school (near Smyrna-Izmir, Turkey) speculated that everything consisted of liquid, his disciples Anaximander said there was unity behind multiplicity and Anaximanes that everything was vapour. They are considered spiritual forefathers of Socrates, Plato and Aristotle.  By 6th century BC schools of Jain and Buddhist philosophy were well established apart from Upanishads, Yoga, Charakva and Sankhya, which have an even older tradition perhaps going back to 8thcentury BC.  While religion and philosophy in India are fused; Buddhism, Jainism and some other schools started as philosophy of life without creating or relying on Gods.  Socrates with his inner (intuitive) voice and trances with Plato made a team like Ramakrishna Paramhansa with Swami Vivekananda i.e. intuitive speculator and philosopher with his eloquent spokesman. We know about Socrates only from Plato’ writings. 

The Orphic and Pythagorean and later Parmenides philosophy or cults are similar to Indian philosophy.  Perhaps the ideas had traveled via Alexandria, hub of eastern Mediterranean, then held in high regard as a place for learning and wisdom , where  Greeks and others used to congregate and learn. Ugarit port on the Syrian coast was another meeting place for traders, travelers and wise men from the west i.e. Cyprus, Crete etc and east i.e. Iraq, Persia and India beyond.  Greeks and Indians were employed in Susa, capital of the Persian Empire, which also ruled north India.  So exchange of ideas and philosophy was normal. Scylax, a Greek origin Persian subject from Asia minor was commanded by Emperor Darius to navigate river Indus from Kabul to its delta on the Arabian Sea, from whose records Herodotus and West learnt about India. 

Earlier Greek writings and thought had everything; logic, speculation, myths, mystery and beliefs.  It’s a difficult to say when the divergence between East and West commenced.  And why? European rationalism and renaissance! Does it have something to do with the colder climate of Europe, which made them think more rationally and did not lend to development of intuitive powers.  We can see the divergence even in the evolution of Christianity, Western and Orthodox.  Western theology turns towards dualism making a distinction between the spirit and the matter. Eastern theology maintains that spirit and matter are the two interdependent manifestations of the same ultimate reality.  Christianity has been influenced by Mithraism (from pre-Vedic cult ), then very popular with Roman legions, senators and even Emperors who built Mithra temples all over central and east Europe and Asia Minor. Christmas is celebrated on 24 December eve, time of  Mithra’s birth ( when the Sun starts waxing ).   

The divergence between conscious intuition of the East and rational thought of the West was perhaps complete after de la Carte announced  “I think therefore I am. ‘ Of course there’s no place for intuition in this.  But many western scientists have declared that only intuition had led them to the discoveries of science.  Zen masters use Kaons, apparently illogical riddles, to unlock intuitive powers. West then took as faith Darwin’s theory of evolution that mutations cause species to change at random and the fittest survives and not Lamarck’s theory that species change because they make determined effort to change.  It has played havoc with human history. Survival of the fittest theory brought in colonialism, imperialism and cultural orientalism. West also evolved divisive nationalism, Marxism, capitalism, ideological totalitarianism.  For these causes and ideologies many scores of millions were butchered in, so far the most violent of all , the 20th century.  

As for Mahabharata and Bhagvad Geeta they could not have been composed in India before 1500 BC , because horses skeletons are found first in Frontier province of Pakistan of the subcontinent . Horses’ natural and original habitat was the Eurasian steppes where they were first domesticated around 2500 BC and then used with chariots , evolved  perhaps in Khorasan area ie central Asia, Persia, Afghanistan etc.( More above)

 

Let me also quote from my other articles on Indo Aryans or Indo-Iranians and cultural assimilation of Iran from which India has borrowed and which India refuses to acknowledge.

 

Old linkages between India and Iran
India’s linkages and relations with Iran are ancient and almost umbilical. Not far from Iran’s western border, around the junction of Turkey, Syria and Iraq in the upper reaches of the Tigris and Euphrates, a chariot-riding Indian-Iranian military aristocracy, embedded among indigenous Hurrians, ruled its Mitanni kingdom between 1500 BC to 1200 BC. It used pre-Vedic Sanskrit phrases, worshipped common Daivya and Assura gods like Indira, Nasatya and Varuna, Mithra. The Mitannis had apparently separated from the main Aryan body, which after many centuries in the region of Amu and Syr Darya had moved on to Iran. Then after some acrimony there was a split into factions: Vedic with Daivya gods and Avestan with Assura gods, with the Vedic stream going on to the land of Sapt Sindhu, ie northwest India and beyond. On a theory based on linguistic, cultural, religious and other similarities, Iranian and Indian Aryans are, if not racial cousins, at least linguistic and cultural ones.

During the Muslim rule, Persians came as bureaucrats with the Turkish rulers in India and left a deep influence on Indian culture, civilization and languages; Hindustani, Urdu and Hindi. From Akbar’s time, the Persians formed the majority of the Muslim Amir ul Umra, that is, courtiers and civil servants. To get in with Persian and its derivative Urdu as the language of the court and administration (even during the British era), even the Hindus took on some of their traits, like Moghului cuisine (Persian cuisine is the mother of most cuisines, except French and Chinese) and meat eating. Also adopted were a love of music and dance. Kayastahs dominated the civil services during the British rule.

Iran: A cradle of civilizations
Situated at the crossroads and itself a cradle of many great civilizations, Iran has exercised great civilizing influence since ancient times. Whosoever (King of Kings, Sahanshah in Darius’s words, its Hindu equivalent being Maharajdhiraj) ruled what now constitutes Iran, they exercised great political and cultural influence not only in the neighborhood but also in far-off places.

During the classical Greek political and social evolution in western Asia Minor which Turkey was then called, the Persian Achaemenid dynasty had its satrapies and outposts on the Aegean coast, known as Ionia, from which the word Yunan for Greece entered the eastern lexicon. In 517 BC it was Persian Emperor Darius who ordered Scylax, his Greek subject from Caria (western Turkey) to survey the river Indus from Peshawar to its exit into the sea, part of his empire. And for the first time, the West became acquainted with India. Herodotus’s chapters on Indian history were based on records of that exploration.

 

But Islam did not liberate the sophisticated and evolved Persians, deeply influenced by spiritual and speculative Avestan, its excessive rituals and love for the intoxicant soma having been curbed earlier by Zoroaster’s reforms (Buddhism was a similar attempt against Brahmanical rituals and excesses in India around the same time). Then the Persians lost their language, Pehlavi, which emerged a few centuries later as Persian in modified Arabic script. Having been ruled by Arabs, Turks, Mongols and Tartars for eight-and-half centuries, there emerged the Sufi-origin Persian Safavids, who became finally masters of their own land, which more or less comprises present-day Iran. At the same time, to preserve their sect and survive, Iranians after centuries of foreign rule developed an uncanny ability not to bring to their lips what is on their minds, and have institutionalized it as takiyya, ie dissimulation.

They had modified simple Arab Islam into a more sophisticated and innovative Shi’ite branch, with the direct descent of Imam Ali’s progeny from Fatima, daughter of the Prophet Mohammed, echoing their deeply ingrained sense of the divinity of rulers. They strengthened (against the Arab caliphs and Turkish sultans) the status of the imams, who among more egalitarian Sunnis are no more than prayer leaders, in line with the Indian-Iranian tradition of placing priests higher than rulers (as are Brahmins in the Indian caste system). By tradition, Azeri (Turkish) speaking Iranians become chiefs of the armed forces. Ayatollah Ali Khameini is an Azeri speaking Iranian.

The status of the imam evolved into the doctrines of intercession and infallibility, ie, of the faqih/mutjahid. (Somewhat like Hindu shankracharyas and the fraternity of learned pandits). The speculative Aryan mind fused the mystic traditions into Sufi Islam, bringing out the best in Islamic mysticism and softening the rigors of austere and crusading Islam which had emerged from the barren sands of Arabia. There were unparalleled contributions by Rumi, Hafij, Attar, El-Ghazali, Firdaus, Nizami, El-Beruni, Omar Khayyam and others to Islamic philosophy and civilization. Their answer to interminable Islamic theological arguments on free will vs predetermination was that the opposites were the obverse and reverse sides of the divine mind, similar to the concepts in Hindu philosophy. Hindustani poetry, music, painting and architecture owe much to their Iranian cousins. Sufis played more than an equal role in the conversion to Islam of India as did the sword or material inducements. Sufi pirs are still as revered as Hindu or Sikh holy men in India.

Given below is the article by Prof Figuiera.

 K.Gajendra Singh ,15 March, 2015,Delhi.

Aryans and Others

Written by Dorothy M Figueira | Updated: March 13, 2015 3:08 pm

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/aryans-and-others/

one of the three ancestral European population.

http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/europeans-superiority-is-a-        myth.html

سه گزارش از چابهار و ساحل مَکران

INDIA SHOULD NOT LOSE INTEREST IN CHABAHAR on the Makran Coast.

  After years of policy paralysis in India that led to desperation among Iranians about New Delhi not taking enough interest in developing the strategic Chabahar port, there is a ray of hope from the Modi Government in the context of changing regional geopolitical realities

A visit to a strategic location is often an exciting experience. But sometimes it could induce a sense of utter frustration and helplessness in you.

Our maiden trip to the port city of Chabahar in Iran led to such mixed feelings.

Import of Chabahar

Situated in the Gulf of Oman, along the Makran coast, Chabahar has been in news, off and on, in Indian media for its strategic relevance for India, especially since 2003, when then Iranian

president  Khatami visited out country. India and Iran signed an MoU to develop the port and build supportive infrastructure to promote bilateral trade and provide India access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Following this, there were reports that an Indian company owned by the Hindujas signed an MoU with Iranian authorities to develop the port infrastructure in 2004.

Chabahar is at a distance of about 480 nautical miles from the Indian port of Kandla in Gujarat and about 840 nautical miles from Mumbai. It connects Afghanistan-Iran border point at Zaranj through Iranian cities of Zahedan, Zabol and Milak.

The total distance is about 987 kms. it is on the path to the strait of Hormuz and the persian gulf .

India has already built the 219 km long Zaranj-Delaram stretch inside Afghanistan which connects the route to the Afghan ring road. India can also connect Turkmen city of Asghabat through the Iranian city of Mashhad, another about 900 kms north of Zahedan.

Given the strategic import of the port for India — which finds it difficult to access Afghanistan and Central Asia through Pakistan — one would have expected India pushing for fast-track development of such a crucial project. A decade hence, however, nothing concrete seems to have happened on the ground. It is a classic case of Indian inaction.

Rashtrapati palace W

Iranian seriousness about Chabahar

During the visit, we noticed that despite the sense of lethargy and lassitude from the Indian side, the Iranians have started developing the port and ancillary infrastructure on their own. The road from Chabahar to Milak is complete. The first phase of the port construction is nearing completion. The two terminals at the port — Shahid Behesti and Shahid Kalantari — with five berths each (six multi-purpose and four container) are operational. The port is handling traffic of more than 2 million metric tonnes and the port authorities hope to increase it up to 82 million by the end of the third phase of the project.

Petrochemical Complex

 

In a dusty corner of the city, about 20-25 kms away from Chabahar airport, Iranians are fast developing a petrochemical industrial complex close to the port. Their aim is to turn Chabahar into the third major hub for petrochemical industries in Iran (the first two are in Bandar Imam & Assaluyeh). The complex is being built with investment by SATA (Armed Forces’ Social Welfare Investment Organization), and executed by an Iranian company called Mokran Negin Development Co, a subsidiary of Nemat Business Development Company (NEBCO), reportedly founded by Mr Mohammadreza Nematzadeh, the incumbent Industry Minister. The company has laid down roads, drawn up electricity lines and is in the process of building water connections. Eight Iranian companies have already invested there. Various companies from China, Oman and Europe have evinced their interest in the project.

A railway station is being built up to connect the zone with the port. There are efforts to connect Chabahar with Zahedan and Mashhad by rail. A new pipeline is also being considered for transferring South Pars ethane gas to Chabahar. Another pipeline is being laid from Iranshahr (220 km long) to supply Methane gas from Iranshahr to Chabahar. These pipelines will provide the feedstock for the petrochemical plants.

The information provided by the Iranians suggests that the entire industrial zone will contain 16 basic petrochemical complexes, built with an investment of about $10 billion, in three different phases. There will be plants producing urea, ammonia, Methanol, polypropylene, olefin and dimethoxyethane. They will also set up an aromatic complex and a crystal melamine unit. Iranians are looking at a total investment of about $80 billion by the end of the project. We were also told that all economic activities in the Free Zone would be exempt from taxes for 20 years.

Chabahar Free Zone

Chabahar Free Zone (CFZ) has been developed well. The township is fully operational with a shopping mall, hotels and well-paved roads. A close interaction with officials of the CFZ, Port and Maritime Organisation led us to believe that there is a lot of enthusiasm in Iran today than ever before about developing Chabahar as a port-cum-industrial zone. The managing director of CFZ, Hamed Ali Mobaraki, along with his teammates, impressed upon us the need for India to sustain its interest in Chabahar and help Iran build the infrastructure to harness the full potential of the port.

There was a clear sense of desperation about India not taking enough interest despite the clear strategic advantages that would accrue from investing in Chabahar. While they would like India to come in as a partner, it seemed that they were fast losing their patience with Indian indecision and opening their doors to other possible investors.

Chinese interests

During the course of the discussions, our Iranian interlocutors also informed us about the growing Chinese interest in Chabahar in recent months. After developing Gwadar in Pakistan, which has proved a bad investment, the Chinese are perhaps eying the potential of Chabahar as yet another alternate port they can develop as a strategic asset in the region.

 persischer meer

We were shown a Chinese dredger operating at the Shahid Behesti terminal with Chinese workers. China has also started a heavy oil refinery opposite the upcoming petrochemical industrial complex. One could see the familiar squat barracks coming up at the construction site. A special market complex — a la ‘China Town’ — selling Chinese goods has already been set up in the city. Chinese interest in Iran is well-known. However, their interest in Chabahar is comparatively new.

In general, there has been a resurgence of Chinese interest, keeping the geopolitical shifts at the global level. In Tehran, in the hotel we were staying, we could see and overhear Chinese businessmen (to be read apart from tourists) engaged in animated discussions with their local contacts about how best to invest in Iran. Chinese pragmatism seems to have overtaken Indian conservatism in Iran.

Local perceptions

Chabahar is situated in the Iranian province of Seistan-Balochistan bordering the Pakistani state of Balochistan. The local people in Chabahar, cutting across sectarian affiliations, either spoke or understood Urdu and were quite warm and friendly towards Indians. Many of them send their children for education to India. There is a big craze for imitation jewellery in the city and many Baloch businessmen are engaged in this trade.

 

Moreover, unlike the Balochistan province of Pakistan, Seistan-Balochistan was quiet and peaceful and as somebody noted in Iran, Chabahar was ‘much more business-worthy’ than Gwadar. Many local businessmen, both Baloch and non-Baloch, expressed their surprise at Indian reticence and held that if China was braving Chabahar despite ‘zero linguistic and cultural links’, India must not be so hesitant.

Views in Tehran

Back in Tehran, in our interaction at the track II level with think-tanks, academics and students, there were repeated references to Indian callousness about Chabahar, despite its enormous strategic salience for India. There was a pervasive feeling that the primary reason for Indian vacillation was real or artificial fear of the US. It was pointed out to us that Iran would love to work with India on Chabahar, but it cannot hold its interests hostage to Indian fear of the US. There was a mention of the decrease in the level of oil trade and the adverse effect of sanctions on India-Iran bilateral trade. Some analysts even hinted at the proactive role India could have played in mediating the difference between Iran and the US rather than getting bogged down with US sanctions. Overall, there were huge expectations from India laced with an inevitable sense of dismay. Iranians were astonished at the way India was conducting its Iran policy against its own strategic interests. Our tame arguments to the contrary could not cut much ice.

Need for a new ‘Look West’ Policy

 

We came back with the feeling that Iranians are fast losing their patience with us, but they would still welcome us more than any other country to invest in Chabahar. They are upbeat about the P5+1 talks on nuclear issues and clearly see in it an opportunity for them to bounce back as an economic power in the region. There is already a beeline of foreign companies to Iran trying to assess the ground situation for prospective investment and Iranians are not going to wait endlessly for India to invest in Chabahar.

Moreover, the growing interest of China and European countries in Iran in general and Chabahar in particular could displace India from Iranian strategic calculations. Therefore, it is high time for India to shun its cautious and conservative approach and enhance its participation in developing Chabahar as a strategic hub as an integral part of its — what can be called — a new ‘Look-West’ policy. The Indian foreign office has so far engaged itself in empty policy rhetoric over Chabahar; now it is time for action.

One can only hope that the new government in New Delhi will adopt proactive diplomacy in this regard. Regional geopolitical realities are changing around us. This warrants recalibration of our foreign policy priorities.

(Dr Ashok Behuria is Coordinator of South Asia Centre and a Fellow at IDSA. The views expressed here are his own)

Saturday, 31 May 2014 | Ashok Behuria |www.dailypioneer.com

persian gulf map

...

India’s Opportunity in Iran Port

As the Modi government defines its foreign policy priorities, one of the issues that needs urgent attention is the finalisation of India’s investment in the development of Chabahar Port in Iran. This is particularly important because the window of opportunity available to India to have a presence in Chabahar may be closing rapidly. India and Iran had agreed to cooperate on the development of this Iranian port way back in 2003 when Iran’s president Mohammad Khatami had visited India but nothing much has been achieved in these 11 years.

It appears the previous government was close to approving US $100 million investment in the development of the port but could not take the decision. The new government could pick up the threads and quickly seal the deal.

The strategic importance of Chabahar Port for India cannot be overstated. Located in the Sistan-Baluchistan province of Iran on the Makram coast and just outside the Persian Gulf, Chabahar is a natural gateway for India to Afghanistan and Central Asia. In the last 10 years, the Iranians have invested considerable sums of money in the development of Chabahar city. A 600km-long highway linking Chabahar to Zahidan in the north is operational. Zahidan is only about 240km from Milak on the Iran-Afghanistan border. Across Milak is Zaranj in Afghanistan where India has built the Zaranj-Delaram highway. Thus, there is already an excellent road connectivity between Chabahar and Afghanistan via Zahidan.  The Iranians have also started the construction of a railway line from Chabahar to Zahidan where it will connect with the Iranian rail network and to Central Asia and CIS.

The Iranians are constructing a vast petro-chemical complex at Chabahar which will receive its gas feedstock through a pipeline from Iranshahr which is only about 200km from Chabahar and is an important point on the proposed Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. A gas pipeline from South Pars gas field to Iranshahr has already been built.

The Iranian government has set up a Free Trade Zone at Chabahar to attract investors. It is understood that some CIS countries and Afghanistan have already been given land in the Free Trade Zone. The Iranians are keen to attract Indian investors in the Free Trade Zone.

Chabahar Port has good growth potential. It is functional and is already handling 2 million tonnes (MT) of cargo every year. On completion of the three proposed phases of development, the port will have the capacity to handle 82MT of cargo per year by 2020. The port traffic will be generated through imports, exports and transit of goods. Chabahar Port is much safer than Gwadar Port in Pakistan’s troubled Baluchistan province, 76km from Chabahar. It will certainly take away Afghanistan’s transit trade through Pakistan. A recent report in the Pakistani newspaper Dawn highlighted that Afghan transit trade dropped by 54 per cent in the financial year 2012-13 partly due to development of Chabahar Port. The Iranians are counting on the rejuvenation of economic activities in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of US and foreign troops from the land-locked nation for further development of Chabahar.

The Chinese are entering Chabahar in a big way. They have begun work on a heavy oil refinery there. A Chinese dredger is functional at Chabahar Port for land reclamation activities. A market selling Chinese goods has also been opened in Chabahar. It is reported that a Chinese company has interest in the development of the Chabahar petro-chemical complex.

Chabahar offers great strategic opportunity for India not only to enter Iran but also to reach Afghanistan and Central Asia. Apprehensions about the commercial potential of Chabahar are overstated because the Iranians are already investing in Chabahar and many other nations are also showing interest. In fact, the US $100 million investment that India is planning appears to be on the conservative side and should be increased. Indian companies will have good opportunity to supply equipment for the construction of the railway line to Zahidan. Since Chabahar lies only about 1,000km from Kandla port in Gujarat, a direct shipping line should be considered to bypass Dubai, give boost to direct India-Iran trade and enhance transit trade to Afghanistan and CIS.

A number of Indian official delegations and private companies have visited Chabahar but no worthwhile investment has been made or business deal concluded. This has disappointed the Iranian officials and businessmen. They think India is not serious. The local Baluchi population is friendly towards India and many speak fluent Urdu. Some traders regularly visit India to source Indian goods but they face problems transferring money and also in the absence of a direct shipping link. Indian Basmati rice, imitation jewellery and foodstuff, etc. are in good demand in that part of the world.

India will continue to face problems with regard to transit of goods to Afghanistan through Pakistan. The use of the Chabahar route can resolve access problems.

India’s involvement in Chabahar Port will also strengthen India-Iran ties which are increasingly becoming strategic in content. The lingering bitterness in Iran about India’s vote against Iran at the IAEA on the nuclear issue in 2005 will also lessen. India has stood by Iran through difficult times as it continued to import Iranian oil even at the time of sanctions and despite the closing down of payment channels. This is often not appreciated either in Iran or in India. Indian oil import from Iran averaged over 200,000 barrels per day in 2013. Two-way trade was over US $16 billion. India needs to build an independent relation with Iran without affecting ties with Saudi Arabia, GCC or the US. Our diplomacy should be aimed at deepening strategic partnerships with GCC as well as Iran considering that relations with one do not contradict ties with the other.

The likelihood of a rapprochement between Iran and the West will increase Iran’s importance. Chabahar will certainly gain from this rapprochement. If India does not enter Chabahar now, it may be too late and more expensive to do so later. Increased Indian presence in Chabahar now will pay rich dividends later. India should adopt a long-term strategic vision and not a narrow commercial approach towards the development of Chabahar Port and investment in Chabahar Free Zone.

The author is director general, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.

Email: directorgeneralidsa@gmail.com

The great Game Folio: Iran Transit
C. Raja Mohan | Twitter@@MohanCRaja
To develop Chabahar’s hinterland, Iran laid out a road link to its frontier with western Afghanistan.

India’s dream of connecting to Afghanistan via Iran could soon move a step closer to reality if New Delhi, Tehran and Kabul sign off on a draft memorandum of understanding on transit trade that has been finalised recently. Since Pakistan denies India overland access to Afghanistan, Delhi has long sought an alternative through Iran. The idea first came up when Iranian President Mohammad Khatami came to Delhi in January 2003 to participate in the Republic Day celebrations. India then agreed to participate in the development of Chabahar on Iran’s Makran coast as the future entrepôt for trade with Afghanistan and Central Asia.
To develop Chabahar’s hinterland, Iran laid out a road link to its frontier with western Afghanistan. India, in turn, built Route 606 from the Iran-Afghan border to the circular highway that connects all the major cities in the country. The Chabahar project is a winner for the three countries. It would reduce landlocked Afghanistan’s total dependence on Pakistan to access the Arabian Sea. The port will help India skirt Pakistan into Afghanistan and establish Iran’s position as a gateway to Central Asia.
A variety of political and economic factors delayed the implementation of this vital project through the last decade. In a renewed political commitment to the project, senior officials of India, Iran and Afghanistan met in Tehran on the margins of the non-aligned summit in August 2012 and agreed to accelerate the development of Chabahar. The three sides have just wrapped up talks on the terms of transit trade through Iran. India must now fast-track its investments in Chabahar and develop dedicated shipping links between Iran and India. This should be one of the top foreign policy priorities for the next government in Delhi that takes charge at the end of May.
Sagar Mala
The BJP, which hopes to run the next government, has already talked about building modern ports all along the Indian coastline under what it calls “Project Sagar Mala”. If the BJP is serious about expanding India’s sea connectivity, it must promote India’s active participation in the development of maritime infrastructure beyond borders. In other words, Delhi must imagine an “Indian Ocean Sagar Mala”.
Over the last decade and more, the Indian government and corporate sector have struggled to grasp opportunities for building sea ports in other countries. The difficulties in developing the Chabahar port is symptomatic of the broader challenges that India faces in implementing large-scale infrastructure projects in the neighbourhood and beyond.
After much effort that began more than a decade ago, India is yet to complete the Kaladan transport corridor to Mizoram via Myanmar. This involved building a port at the ancient town of Sittwe
on Myanmar’s Rakhine coast, developing the part-riverine corridor to the Mizoram border and expanding the road network from Mizoram to the rest of the Northeast. In Sri Lanka, India was surprised a few years ago when Colombo asked China to build a new port at Hambantota that Beijing completed in quick time. India is yet to get its act together in getting its companies participate in the second phase of development at Hambantota.
The managers of a potential Indian Ocean Sagar Mala project in the coming years could learn much from the problems encountered in the last few years and develop an effective policy framework for the participation of Indian companies in emerging port projects in east Africa, Oman and Myanmar.

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The cash surplus Kandla and Jawaharlal Nehru ports in western India will be assigned with the task of developing and operating the multi-purpose terminals.The southern Iranian port will also provide India with a link to Afghanistan and the central Asian republics.

Both ports will come together to form a Special Purpose Vehicle under a revenue-sharing agreement with the Port and Maritime Organization of Iran. The agreement would be for a minimum of 20 years. Analysts hope that with a new government in power in New Delhi, this project will be given the final go-ahead as India has been very keen to develop the port for over a decade. Sources say India’s External Affairs ministry which has the final say since it has been piloting the project for years, is expected to make a onetime financial grant along with an annual grant. This investment will make the project financially viable .The estimated project cost is around $100 million. Trade analysts anticipate the initial business to be slow. However, it is expected to pick up and become highly profitable in the coming years once the project gets underway.

Book Review: South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures

 

 

 

Book Review: South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures

5 November 2013

 

My review for The Friday Times

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South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures is a comprehensive volume of essays edited by Adil Najam and Moeed Yusuf. Given the importance of the South Asian region, this book attempts to fill in a huge gap that has existed for decades. Discourses on South Asia for reasons well known, have been obsessive about all things security and in recent times terrorism. The editors note that South Asia “sits atop a globally strategic location” and gladly move on to other important topics, which makes this volume a useful contemporary reference. The introduction notes the immense potential for energy trade as well as the significant regional security implications for the world at large. This is why the future of South Asia is not just important to those who live in the region; it is duly a global concern. The 37 papers authored by 44 experts, in the volume trace the multiple futures and mercifully avoid the common fallacy of reducing South Asia to India and Pakistan and their bitter rivalries.

The introduction summing up the book rightly identifies that the idea of South Asia is a contested one and its ownership – political and economic – would determine the future. Commenting on the term Southasia introduced by Nepal based Himal magazine, the editors state: “…the future of the geography we know as South Asia will depend, at least in part, on what happens to the idea of Southasia. We are not in a position to say what that will be just yet, but it is clear that the aspiration of Southasianness is entrenched more deeply in the South Asian mind than we had imagined. It is an idea that our regional politics has often rejected and fought against. But the resilience of the aspiration suggests regional politics may eventually have to embrace it.” Thus the emergence of Southasia, a regionalized identity, will be a political process and the book suggests that there is no one course or prediction to hold it.

In this context the paper, the paper by US based Pakistani historian Manan Ahmad Asif entitled “Future’s Past” contends that though the immediate history of Pakistan and India might broadly be cause for pessimism (such as the violent partitions of ’47 and ’71), there is nevertheless a greater, storied and shared history that can be recalled in order to realize how communities in South Asia can peacefully co-exist.

Asif argues that our “immediate past” is what informs our understanding of the present, leading to interpretations that are rooted in differences and in ‘otherizing’. As he points out, “We take these ahistoricized words [coercion, submission, invader, Muslim, indigenous] and categories and proceed to give them universality that they don’t deserve even for the here and the now.” Similarly, he points out how the British too saw the divisions and focused on them, thereby exacerbating them. One cannot disagree with Asif when he posits: “To imagine a South Asia where difference is mutually comprehensible is also to look at the desi diaspora around the world.”

“We take these ahistoricized words [coercion, submission, invader, Muslim, indigenous] and categories and proceed to give them universality that they don’t deserve”

The editors of the volume identify the following common themes around which the book is organised: ‘Idea of South Asia’, ‘Regionalism’, ‘The South Asian State’, ‘Security and Development’ and ‘South Asia and Its People’.

The essays highlight how South Asia is a more of a competitive region than a cooperative one. The troubled experience of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and other attempts at regionalism testifies to this reality. Smaller states with much to gain from regionalism are themselves exasperated with Pakistan and India – the primary reason behind the regions failure to integrate. As pessimism reigns however, there are murmurs of optimism as Pakistan and India seek to open trade, perhaps leading to the reinvigoration of SAARC.

The theme pertaining to South Asian State is an insightful part of this volume as it traces the trajectory of the postcolonial states and how they have failed to maintain the social contract leading to a less charitable view of the future in many quarters. At the same time, the essays also highlight the immense potential for ‘constant metamorphosis’ of the state idea and are open to change with sufficient external and internal impetus. A pertinent observation extracted by the editors relates to the possibility of an inclusive, regionalized state. In a similar fashion the papers tell us that a region confronted with multitude of conflicts trumpets human development. The editors and some of the essays emphasise ‘co-dependence’ of security and development and an outcome which would be more people-centric rather than the current state or military oriented security discourse common in South Asia.

In her cogent essay, ‘Towards cooperation for poverty reduction?’

Safiya Aftab mentions the importance of entwining poverty reduction with economic growth, arguing that even if South Asia’s rate of development hovers around an acceptable 8%, that in itself will not lead to a reduction in poverty – or at least not a considerable enough reduction. She posits that there needs to be a “serious realignment of government policy towards income redistribution and investment in human development”, and that in the face of a lack of regional integration, growth on itself will not solve the region’s significant issue of poverty. A focus solely on economic growth without factoring in human development and wealth redistribution will only lead to greater disparity in wealth and prosperity, which in turn can lead to social unrest. South Asian states need to revisit their dependence on neo-liberal prescriptions and read Aftab’s essay carefully. In fact, the key factor influencing the future of the region relates to the future trajectories of economic cooperation.

Another well-researched essay in the volume, ‘Trade Relations: Some Predictions and Lessons by Pradeep S. Mehta and Niru Yadav tells us the gritty realities. The authors state how in 2011 “the total trade of South Asian countries amounted to $928.17 billion, with only $28.23 billion exchanging hands through regional trade.” Only less than 4% of South Asia’s trade was interregional making it the least regionalized areas of the world. Despite the numerous free trade agreements, political mistrust and a lack of political will have led to states pursuing their own bilateral FTAs, thereby circumventing the choked provisions of regional agreements such as SAFTA.

The key theme of volume – South Asia and its people – highlights how the countries in the region need to shift from a state centric position to people-oriented polities. There is now an emerging consensus that the people of South Asia are dynamic cultural, economic and political agents. With advances in technology, a burgeoning young population and democratic consolidation the power of South Asians to drive ‘change’ and demand rights is likely to increase. Regional cooperation initiatives such as Aman ki Asha and other movements are showing the path.

گزارش عملکرد دو دوره نخست وزیر هند من موهان سینگ

indian palace

اشعار فارسی نقاشی شده بر کاخ ریاست جمهوری هند بزرگترین کاخ ریاست جمهوری قرن بیست

PM’s opening remarks at Press Conference

 

“First, let me wish you all a very happy New Year.

 

Let me say at the outset that I do believe we are set for better times. The cycle of global economic growth is turning for the better. Many of the steps we have taken to address our domestic constraints are coming into play. India’s own growth momentum will revive.

 

An important development in the year that has gone by is the demonstration of the strength of our democracy. Our people have demonstrated their faith in the institutions of democracy by voting in record numbers in the recent assembly elections. Our party did not do well in these elections, but we welcome the extent of participation, and we will reflect on what the results tell us for the future and learn appropriate lessons.

 

Our democratic Constitution and the institutions of our democracy are the cornerstone of Modern India. All of us who wish to build a better India, rid of poverty and corruption, must respect these institutions and work through them. They are the legitimate instruments in our hands, with all their limitations. No one individual or authority can substitute for the due processes of democratic governance.

 

Over the past decade we have been through many ups and downs. During my first term in office, India witnessed for the first time in its recorded history a short acceleration of the rate of economic growth to 9.0 per cent. This exceptional performance was followed by a slowdown initiated by the global financial crisis. Over the past couple of years, all Emerging Economies have experienced a slowdown. India was no exception.

 

Economies have ups and downs and we should not focus overly on the short term. We should recognize that even if we include the years of slowdown, the rate of growth achieved in the past nine years, is the highest for any nine year period. And it is not just the acceleration of growth that gives me satisfaction. Equally important is the fact that we made the growth process more socially inclusive than it has ever been.

 

In 2004 I committed our government to what I said would be “A New Deal for Rural India”. I believe we have delivered on that promise very substantially. We followed farmer friendly policies including raising support prices for farm produce, expanding credit to farmers, and through increased investment in horticulture, in rural development, and rural infrastructure, especially roads and electricity. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme has assured agricultural labour of a floor and has increased their bargaining power. Improved delivery of health and education services is giving new hope to our brothers and sisters living in rural areas of our country.

 

These initiatives have ensured that agricultural GDP has grown faster than ever before. India has become one of the world’s largest producers of food-grains, sugar, fruits and vegetables, milk and poultry. Rural wages have increased in real terms much faster than earlier. Rural real consumption per capita has increased four times faster. Because of these developments the percentage of the population below the poverty line has fallen much faster in the period 2004 to 2011 than it did in the previous ten year period. As a result, the number of people below the poverty line has come down by 13.8 crore.

 

Education has been a key element of our strategy to increase the productive capacity of our economy and improve access to better jobs. I have myself been a beneficiary of liberal scholarships and public investment in education. I can, therefore, well understand the critical importance of investing in education.

 

I take great pride in the fact that we have transformed the educational landscape of our country. Through Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, through new scholarships for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and Minorities, and with a focus on the Girl Child and young women, we have widened educational opportunities. We have set up new universities, new institutes of science and technology, new industrial training centres and enabled the flowering of individual enterprise in skill building and education.

 

I also feel satisfied with our legislative effort. Despite unprecedented parliamentary holdups, we have passed several important laws that seek to empower our people and our democratic institutions.

 

I do not wish to elaborate on our achievements in the economic arena. These are spelt out in detailed booklet which has been separately distributed and I would be happy to answer questions. There are however three points which I would like to mention.

 Parssea.orgpersian gulf rashtrapati.parssea

نقشه  نقاشی شده  خلیج فارس  با نام پرشن گولف در کاخ ریاست جمهوری هند

First, I am concerned that we have not been as successful as we need to be in generating employment in the manufacturing sector. This is an aspect of performance which we are working hard to correct. We need a much stronger effort in support of small and medium enterprises which can be a major source of good quality employment. Our Manufacturing Strategy gives high priority to this objective for the future.

 

Second, we have also not been as successful in controlling inflation as we would have wished. This is primarily because food inflation has increased. However, we should remember that those who produce food gain from higher prices. Also our inclusive policies have put more money in the hands of the weaker sections.

 

To keep food prices in control we need to increase supplies and also improve marketing arrangements and logistics. This is especially important for items which are perishable, such as fruits and vegetables. Much of this work lies in the domain of the States.

 

I am happy to say that the Food Security Act that we have passed will to some extent shield the common man from rising food prices.

 

The worry about inflation is legitimate but we should also recognize that incomes for most people have increased faster than inflation. I have already mentioned that real wages in rural areas have increased faster than before. Per-capita consumption in both rural and urban areas has increased significantly.

 

Third, we are deeply committed to the objective of combating corruption. An array of historical legislations has been enacted to make the work of the Government transparent and accountable. Governance has been made more answerable as never before. Most of you have been routinely using the Right to Information Act to access Government documents which was not possible earlier.

 

There is much public concern on high profile allegations of corruption, notably in regard to 2G spectrum allocations, coal block allocations and cases related to land. We have taken major steps to change the existing procedures for allocation of spectrum and coal by shifting to auctions so that these problems do not arise in future. Where some decisions taken earlier, when allocations were made administratively, have come under question, they are being investigated. Any wrong doing will be punished through due process of law.

 

Land issues are in the domain of state governments and we have consistently advised state governments to ensure transparency in these cases.

 

Let me conclude with a few words about the external environment. The one lesson we shall all learn from our experience over the past decade is that the world around us is becoming more challenging. This is both a function of our greater integration with the world and of the international community’s expectations from a rising India. This is India’s manifest destiny. We should recognize it as such and learn to deal with it.

 

India will continue to invest in its defence and national security, in providing security to its own people and ensuring regional security and stability. At the same time, we will continue to seek better relations with our immediate neighbours knowing that the destiny of the Indian sub-continent is linked through a shared history and a shared geography.

 

It has also been my effort to build long term, stable and mutually beneficial relations with all major powers and all our Asian neighbours. We should continue to benefit from global opportunities and contribute to global efforts in creating and managing global institutions to deal with global challenges.

 

I have enormous confidence in our people’s ability to deal with challenges at home. In a few months time, after the general election, I will hand the baton over to a new Prime Minister. I hope it will be a UPA chosen Prime Minister and our party will work to that end in the campaign for the General Elections. I am confident that the new generation of our leaders will also guide this great nation successfully through the uncharted and uncertain waters of global change.

 

As we enter the New Year we will continue to implement our policies, with vigor and commitment, aiming to revive growth, promote enterprise, generate employment, eliminate poverty and ensure the safety and security of all our people, particularly our women and children. Our Government will work ceaselessly till its last day.

 

Thank you and Jai Hind.”

LIFE AND TIMES: Women on the streets of Tehran گزارش تلگراف

And say to the believing women that they cast down their looks and guard their private parts from sinful desires.”

— Sura Al Nour Verse 31

The Quranic advisory displayed prominently in the departure lounge of Tehran’s Imam Khomeini international airport horrified me. It warned women not to look men in the eye and conceal their curves from the male gaze. But is it decent to tell women so publicly to cover their private parts? Or be so brazen about sinful desires?

The excerpt from Sura Al Nour, or The Light, was displayed in bold letters beside a coffee and snacks outlet called Mehmandar, or The Host. I thought the exhortation left even pious women who had memorised the holy book squirming in their black chadors. Looking around I noticed that women outnumbered men waiting to board the Mahan Air flight to Delhi, and the majority of them were Iranians.

I turned to one in her mid-30s flipping through The Economist. “Is an airport the best place in the world for imparting lessons in sexual morality,” I asked, pointing at the advisory. “Definitely,” she replied. “The airport provides guardians a final opportunity to remind daughters about Islamic values so that they don’t go astray overseas. It’s like parting advice or last minute instructions.”

That made perfect sense from a deeply religious, conservative Iranian perspective. I was leaving after crisscrossing the country for two weeks in October-November when I struck up that conversation with The Economist reader. Her explanation made me rethink, besides reinforcing my overall realisation that to fathom Iran one must always talk to Iranians.

America, United Kingdom, France, Russia, China and Germany seem to have done just that. They talked and talked to Iran in Geneva, ultimately accepting its logic and recognising its right to enrich uranium. A dangerous deadlock was broken on November 24 after world powers grasped — and gave in to — Iran’s contention that it was entitled to enrich uranium for civilian use as it had signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

What really struck me about Iran was that it wasn’t doing all that badly despite so-called crippling sanctions. It had the look and feel of a first world nation. Tehran’s underground trains, art galleries and theatres stood out; the motorways crisscrossing Iran were a driving enthusiast’s dream come true, pollution was religiously monitored and law and order enforced uncompromisingly.

The nation oozed confidence, although income from oil and gas was down by 50 per cent, the rate of inflation and unemployment had risen to 40 per cent and its currency, the rial, had depreciated by half. But it still held its head high.

It can be debated whether handling adversity with such aplomb is driven by core civilisational values or wily calculation. But undoubtedly the whole country is extremely proud of its achievements since the 1979 Islamic revolution which turned Iran on its head. The biggest source of national pride is, of course, the country’s nuclear programme, acknowledged after a decade of confrontation, with Iran refusing to blink.

Parallels are inevitable as Iran was our next door neighbour until Partition. Conspicuously, nobody defecates in the open; men don’t urinate on the street, there are no beggars except the occasional Syrian or Afghan refugee, stray dogs don’t stalk pedestrians and spitting is definitely not a national pastime.

Sayyid Hameed was at the wheel of our left-hand drive vehicle as we drove to Esfahan, Iran’s top tourist destination, from Qom — headquarters of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei who is ranked higher than President Hassan Rouhani and bodies such as the Assembly of Experts, Guardian Council and Expediency Council which are more powerful than Parliament.

  • An anti-US banner in Qom

We crossed Kashan and were cruising past Natanz when Hameed suddenly announced that there was an underground uranium enrichment plant only five km from the highway on our right. Hameed’s pride in Iran’s nuclear programme was transparent like the windscreen: he was bursting with pride and dying to show us a national trophy.

If we took a detour we could have seen with our own eyes the Natanz nuclear facility at the centre of Iran’s raging dispute with the West. It was also possible to photograph it from the safety of our car. It was all very tempting to be honest — Hameed said he could drive past the plant if we were keen to see it. But we didn’t want to blot our copybook!

Nuclear plants, all said and done, are a big magnet. In 2005 I was on board Air India’s inaugural direct flight from Calcutta to London. First and business class was teeming with journalists and officials sipping red wine. As we overflew Iran, a very senior civil servant announced that a nuclear plant was directly below us. We peered from our windows but all we could see was the arid landscape where nothing grew.

On the ground, anti-Americanism binds Iranians together like Shia Islam itself — the country’s predominant faith. Anti-US billboards were a common sight in Tehran, despite a relaxing of tension. Even as Iran’s foreign minister Javad Zarif was closeted with US Secretary of State John Kerry in Geneva, a new competition for anti-American art was accepting submissions for various categories such as “Why U.S. is not reliable,” “U.S. and breaking promises” and “U.S. and self-conceit.” The best work will get US$ 4,000.

I met Mohammad Arab in Mashad — Iran’s second-biggest city where the eighth Shiite imam, Imam Raza, is buried; his shrine attracts 20 million pilgrims annually. Arab served in the Iran Air Force as an electronic warfare expert. The retired colonel pulled out a dog-eared American driving licence and social security card from his wallet, mementos from a stint at an aviation academy in California just before the revolution snapped defence ties with the US.

“I know America and Americans well. They cannot be trusted. How can we forgive the USA which brought down our plane, killing 290 innocent Iranians in 1998,” he asked angrily as his daughter nodded in agreement. “Obama telephoned our president in New York [the first direct conversation between the presidents of the US and Iran in 34 years] for selfish reasons. They need covering fire in Afghanistan as they leave. So it’s high time Iran dictated terms.”

A Western diplomat disclosed that Tehran was very upset with Washington until Iranian and American officials met regularly in Oman for the past year without which the November 24 deal wouldn’t have been possible. Apparently, the secret talks cleared misunderstandings which had piled up after George W. Bush’s “Axis of Evil” speech. The high stakes, face-to-face talks placated Iranians, clearing the deck for the landmark six-month interim nuclear agreement.

“Iranian leadership had good reasons to be angry with America. No less a person than Ryan Crocker, former US ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq, recently recounted the extent of Iranian cooperation. As Iran and America had a common enemy in the Taliban and al Qaida, Iran produced an extremely valuable map showing the Taliban’s order of battle just before American military action began in Afghanistan. Naturally, Iranians were fuming after Bush’s speech,” the diplomat said.

Tehran insists that it’s not building a bomb — and there is no reason to disbelieve it — but educated Iranians told me it’s a necessity because Israel has a nuclear arsenal. They cited India’s example as New Delhi justifies its nuclear capability on the ground that it faces a threat from a nuclear-armed China, and Pakistan justifies its bomb saying India has one. Iranians argue that if self-defence in a dangerous neighbourhood is good enough reason to have a bomb, then they are also entitled to that deterrent.

But I also heard voices of reason and reconciliation as Iran emerges from the shadows. Significantly, I heard them in the holy city of Qom, a 90-minute drive from Tehran. Besides being home to the dazzling Hazrat Masuma shrine, Qom is the ruling clerics’ ideological headquarters. Broadly speaking, it’s the equivalent of Nagpur — the Sangh Parivar’s nerve centre.

I slipped into Madrasah Faiziyah, the cradle of Islamic revolution, and was reading the commemorative bronze plaque outside room number 20 where Ayatollah Khomeini spent his formative years, when Hossin Motesadi Zadeh politely inquired whether I was from India or Pakistan. When I revealed my nationality, he hugged me exclaiming: “You are a friend”, even as his flowing robe billowed out around him in the chilly breeze.

Interestingly, seminaries in Qom and elsewhere in Iran train thousands of budding Shia clerics from many countries, including China. But Indians account for the largest number of religious trainees. Which is hardly surprising as India is home to over 50 million Shias — the world’s largest Shia population after Iran’s. Some Lucknow- and Srinagar-based Shia community leaders have, in fact, direct access to Supreme Leader Khamenei who easily grants them an audience.

Zadeh, studying at Faiziyah for 12 years, remarked that even the late Ayatollah Khomeini would have approved of the emerging d�tente between Iran and America. “The world and our region have changed drastically since he overthrew the Shah and branded America the Great Satan. So much so that Rouhani described America as a great nation just before Obama telephoned him. It can only mean that Iran and America are ready to do business as equals.”

CONTRIBUTION OF Persian and TURKIC LANGUAGES IN THE EVOLUTION OF HINDUSTANI LANGUAGES.

K.Gajendra Singh

 

1. The term Hindustan has been used consciously so as to include Pakistan in it, by which name

the Sub-continent was known before its partition in 1947. This paper concentrates mainly on

languages as spoken by the masses, with their natural variations and not so much the written and

the literary forms. We will consider the two major languages, Hindi and Urdu, which are widely

spoken in Hindustan , although claims have been made that Urdu evolved out of Hindi and that

Hindi is only Urdu written in Devanagari script. But the fact of the matter is that both Urdu and

Hindi have evolved from the same colloquial base of Hindustani which was the lingua franca of

Hindustan till its partition. As the well- known scholar and outspoken historian Khushwant

Singh says, since then the Indians have made Hindi more Sanskritised and Pakistanis Urdu more

Persianised, with the result that it is difficult for a common man to understand either Hindi or

Urdu, specially their Radio and TV broadcasts. However, in spite of politically motivated and

necessary corrective measures which new ruling elites usher in to change the complexion of the

official language, if not the language itself, as has happened both in India as well as in Pakistan ,

the lingua-franca spoken by the common man in Hindustan , specially those who are illiterate or

semi-literate has not changed that much since 1947. The best proof of this is the language

employed in Hindustani films made in Bombay ( India ) which really represents the spoken

language of the masses in most of India , and which also remains equally popular in Pakistan .

Whenever the film language became too Sanskritised, the films have not been very popular. At

the same time, when a film on ‘Razia’ (a Turkish Queen of Delhi ) utilised too Persianised Urdu,

its lack of popularity could in some ways be attributed to the difficulty of the masses in

understanding it. Hindustani with its vast vocabulary, form and literary variety provides the lyric

and dialogue writer all the richness, elegance and nuances to express himself. Incidentally,

according to Encyclopedia Britannica (1990 Edition), more than 35 million Indians declared

Urdu as their mother-tongue while in Pakistan the number was less than one- fifth i.e. 6.7

million. (The compilation is old and estimates conservative.) Various forms of Hindustani are

spoken or understood by over 70% of Indian population. The Bombay films have played a major

role in spreading Hindustani in non-Hindi/Urdu speaking areas of South India and North-East.

 

2. The name Hindustani written as Hindoostanee was coined by an Englishman, Mr. J. B.

Gilchrist (1759-1841), who was the first President of the Fort Christian College , Calcutta which

trained British Civil Servants for service in India . Mr. Gilchrist also wrote a dictionary of

Hindustani and its grammar. As mentioned earlier, from Hindustani have emerged two literary

languages, Hindi in Devanagari script with literary and vocabulary borrowings from Sanskrit

and Urdu in modified Arabic script with borrowings from Persian. Hindustani is much older

form than Hindi or Urdu and many times it referred rather to the region and not so much to the

race or religion. As a matter of fact before the advent of Muslims and others in India , the

languages spoken in Hindustan were known as various Bhashas or Bakhas. Hindustani evolved

out of a score of dialects which are inter-related among themselves and to it. Some of these

dialects and languages are Hindwi, Khariboli, Brij Bhasha, Awadhi, Bagheli, Chhatisgari,

Bundeli, Kanauji, Bhojpuri, Maithili, Gujari, Rajsthani and when it was spoken in South it was

known as Deccani That these languages are dialects of Hindi as claimed by some is not strictly

true. Brij Bhasha was an important literary medium in 15th to 17th century. Both Brij Bhasha

and many other dialects are genetically of different Prakritic origin than Khariboli. All earlier

Hindi literature is in dialects other than Khariboli which became standardised and popular by

the end of the 17th century and language of literature only in 19th century. Brij Bhasha continued

as a medium of poetry till late 19th century. Thus, strictly speaking, the language of modern

Hindi literature is different from that employed in earlier period. The same can be said about the

Urdu which came to be written in the present form from 19th century onwards, although Urdu

poerty flourished much earlier.

 

3. Turkish language was under the influence of Persian language for centuries  One of the earlier writers of Hindustani was Amir Khusarao (1253 – 1325) a remarkable scholar of Persian and Arabic but of Turkish origin. He is claimed both by the Hindi as well as

Urdu protagonists. His dictionary, Khaliq-bari, in verse, of, Persian, Arabic and Hindi words

helped spread Persian and Arabic words and development of Hindustani. In recent times,

writers like Premchand have been claimed both by Hindi protagonists as well as Urdu

spokesmen. The only difference was that the same writer wrote some times in modified Arabic

(Persian) script and some times in Devanagari script. In this paper we would use the word

Hindustani to include Hindi, Urdu and the other forms like Khariboli, Hindvi, etc.

 

4. The general perception is that Hindustani and its earlier forms evolved out of interaction,

since 11th century AD, between persian  speaking Muslim invaders, rulers, traders and religious men and others

who had come and settled in Hindustan from the north-west and the local Indian population.

Persian was then the language brought by sophisticated Muslim ruling elite from abroad, which

was used for administration, courtly intercourse, etc.

یکی از زرّین‌ترین برگ‌های فتوحاتِ نادرشاه اَفشار

Nader Shah Iranin turkic ruler  in Indian war

Thus the main interaction was between Persian and the Apbhramsa variation of Prakrit in North and West India , in particular the

Suraseni variety spoken around Delhi and later with the Dravidian languages in Deccan , out of

which Hindustani evolved and developed slowly and unevenly. Many of the books on the

evolution and development of Hindustani were written by the Englishmen in 18th/ 19th century,

who learnt and used it for administration as officers of the East India Company and the British

Empire. It is doubtful if any of them knew Turkish as by the time they arrived on the scene, the

pre-ponderence of Persian during the latter stages of Mughal empire was well established,

although some Turkish was still taught in some Medrasas and households. Persian and Arabic

continued to be taught at universities and schools during the British rule.

Shimla In5Jul2013  (43)

Therefore, no credit at all except for some vocabulary is given to Turkish languages in the history of development of

Urdu, Hindi or Hindustani. It is, of course, conceded that the word Urdu (Ordu in Turkish) itself

is of Turkish origin and it means army or military establishment, which was inducted into

Persian by Il -Khanid historians and accepted in India by Sayyed ruler Khizr Khan for use by

his army and the Court, under the Timurid influence. By 17th century, during the Mughal rule, the

term, Urdu was generally applied to the imperial camp. The language Urdu/Lashkar

Bhasha/Hindustani perhaps started developing seriously as a means of communication from

end-12th century AD between the incoming Muslim rulers, soldiers, traders etc. and local

population, for use in administration, for trading with native shop-keepers, in harems, where

women and attendants were mostly of Hindustani origin. While Turks yielded to Persian words

in matters of administration, poetry and social intercourse, they retained many Turkish words for

military titles, weapons, military commands and organisations. Turkish derivations also exist in

the hunt and hunting, also in terms expressing relationships and conduct in court among the ruling

classes. We must not overlook the role played by Sufi saints in spreading Islam among the

masses by using the new evolving Hindustani. Even today, tombs of Sufi saints are revered

equally among Hindus. The objective of the paper is to advance the view that the Turkic

languages apart from vocabulary, have contributed much more than is acknowledged, both in the

basic structure as well as in the development of Hindustani languages.

 

5. The vast stretch of area comprising Central Asia , Iran , Afghanistan , north-west Hindustan ,

Anatolian Turkey, Northern Iraq etc. has seen intermingling of various races, cultures and

languages throughout history. At least since the days of Mauryan Empire in India (4th century

BC) many rulers with their capital in Hindustan had Afghanistan and parts of Central Asia in

their domains. Therefore, the language of these rulers and their religion spread into Afghanistan ,

Central Asia and Eastern Iran . Mauryan Emperor Ashoka and others sent Buddhist preachers up

to Central Asia and many of the tribes there became Buddhists. Turkic tribes like Sakas,

Kushanas, when they settled on India ‘s borders and inside it also adopted languages and

religions of Hindustan . They also adopted Indian scripts which were also transferred to Central

Asia, specially Eastern Turkistan . The way for exchanges was well-known, through the valley of

Kabul river, Peshawar , Jalalabad and through well known routes to Tarim basin. As a matter of

fact this area provided links for commercial, cultural and political exchanges between China on

one hand and India , Central Asia and Western Asia on the other, where intermingling of people

with diverse culture, race, ethnicity, religion such as Indians, Turks and others took place. In this

area, Budhist stupas and shrines, a large number of Bhudhist writings in Prakrit and writings in

Sanskrit as well as in local languages of Central Asia , in Indian scripts like Brahmi and

Devanagari have been discovered, apart from a large number of secular documents, written on

wooden tablets, leather, paper and silk. There are also translations from Sanskrit in Kharosti

script. Translations include astronomical and medicinal subjects. Documents discovered in 10th

& 11th century from Turfan region which can be seen in Berlin cover subjects like medicines &

calendar based on Indian sources. Of course, the Turkish in these documents is quite different

from the present day Turkic languages (Uighur and Cagtai group) spoken in Eastern Turkistan i.e

Kazakhstan, Kyrghystan , Uzbekistan and the Sinkiang region of China . As many philosophical,

spiritual and religious terms of Bhudhism and even Hinduism did not exist, they were inducted

from Pali & Sanskrit into Turkish. Thus Turkish acquired many words of Pali and Sanskrit

origin, some of which have even gone into other languages; Ratan becoming Ardhani is an

example. An example how words change is illustrated from the Budhist word Dhyan

(meditation), which became Jhan in Chinese and Zen in Japanese.

 

6. Although the influence of the Turkic languages on Indian languages began in all seriousness

from 11th century AD onwards to which we will come to later, various Turkic tribes began their

interaction with Hindustan much earlier than that. After the collapse of Mauryan Empire in 3rd

century BC, a number of Central Asian Turkic tribes, and others like Sakas in India and Scythians in

West, came to Hindustan and settled down there. Sakas were actually forced towards Hindustan

by Central Asian tribes, Yueh-chih, who also later entered Hindustan . Sakas ruled from Mathura

(South East of Delhi) and their well-known Kings in 1st century BC were Rajuvala and Sodasa.

They then shifted west to Rajasthan and Malwa. Yueh-chih’s chief, Kujula-kara Kadphises

conquered North India in 1st century AD. He was succeeded by his son Vima, after whom came

famous Kanishka. Kanishka’s tribe is known as Khushanas in Indian history. Their kingdom

based with Peshawar as capital extended as far as Sanchi in Central India and Varanasi in East

and also included large parts of Central Asia . Not surprisingly, administrative and political

terms from north and west India influenced similar terms in Central Asia . Kushanas became

Budhists and Kanishka spread this religion in Central Asia and elsewhere.

 

Other major tribe which entered later in 6th Century AD were Huns, a branch of Hephthalis or white Huns, whose first king came to be known as Toramana in early 6th century and whose son Mihirakula was a patron of Shavism, a branch of Hinduism. It has been said that these and other tribes which had

come earlier moved into Western and Central India i.e. in Rajasthan, Gujarat and Western

Madhya Pradesh, especially after the break-up of the Gupta Empire. Many historians claim that

by virtue of their valour and other qualities, these tribes were able to get themselves

incorporated into the hierarchy of the Hindu caste system i.e. Khatriyas and are known as

Rajputs (sons of Kings). It is no wonder that the Mongols and other Turkic speaking people

were able to form relationships with Rajputs so very easily.

Persian poem in Delhi mosque

IMG_0881

It is possible that some words of Turkic languages might have been then absorbed in dialects or languages spoken in Rajasthan,

Gujarat and Central India , where these tribes settled. A common word is ‘kara’ which in Turkish

means ‘black’ and used for the same colour in West India and as ‘Kala’ in the rest of the country.

It is a moot point whether the word ‘bai’ which is written in Turkish as ‘baci’ and pronounced as

‘baji’ which means sister or elder woman has persisted from those days. But it was in areas of

Rajasthan and nearby, closer to Delhi where the seeds for the development of Hindustani

languages were sown.

 

7. After the expansion of Islam into Iran this religion soon spread to Central Asia . The Turks as

they advanced towards Anatolia and Hindustan via Iran and Afghanistan were also Islamised.

Being a simple but hardy people from the Eurasian steppes, where life was austere and without

frills, once the Turks acquired kingdoms, they also acquired along with it symbols and ways of

culture and civilisation, including the use of more sophisticated Persian (and Arabic), the

language of the people they conquered. (To begin with Omayands had also taken over Byzantine

system lock stock and barrel in Damascus ). It is noteworthy that except in Central Asia , which

remains the home of Turks and Anatolia i.e. Republic of Turkey (and Azeri areas), in most of the

other areas they ruled, the Turks adopted the language of the ruled, albeit they introduced some

of their own vocabulary and influenced the grammar of the language of their subjects.

 

8. In the medieval history of Hindustan , the Turkic tribes played a major role among the Muslim

conquers and rulers who came and made India their home. The Turkic raids began in the first

half of 11th century starting with Sabuktgin and the process of establishment of their kingdoms in

North & West of Hindustan started from late 12th century. Although Sindh was conquered by the

Arabs, soon after the establishment of the Abbassid Khalifate in 8th Century AD, this played

directly only a marginal role in influencing the culture and civilisation of Hindustan . It is

interesting that in Malayalam (language of Kerala), Hindustani is known as Tuluk Bhasha and the

word Tulukan used for Muslims and Tulukachi for Muslim woman. The languages spoken by the

people of Turkey is called Tuluk Bhasha. This is interesting because the relations between the

Kerala coast and the Arab world predate Islam and there has been constant interaction between

the Malabar coast of Kerala and the Arab world but still the word for a Muslim is Tulukan.

 

9. The impact and embedding of Islam and Islamic and Turkish culture into Hindustan took place

during the Turco-Afghan period of India ‘s history from end-12th century to early l6th century

(and continued during the Mughal period). Even if some of the Sultans and rulers claimed

Arabic or Afghan descent, the majority of the elite consisted of people of Turkic & Turanian

origins ( not many of these tribes and individuals came from the Rumi Seljuk or Ottoman

territories.) Many of them came as simple soldiers and some period chieftains. From the very

early days of the Islamic history (second half of Abbassid period), many non-Turkish kings and

Sultans maintained Turkish households of slaves brought over from Central Asia which

provided them loyal soldiers and military leaders. Many of them rose by hard work and merit

and reached the top ranks of the ruling elite and King makers. Some even became Sultans.

 

10. Some of the prominent names of Turkish rulers in Hindustan are Mahmud of Ghazni,

Muhammad Gori, Kutubuddin Aybak, Iltutmish, Balban, and of course, Khiljis (known as

Halach, in Turkish kh becomes h) and Tughlaks. According to some estimates, the Turks

comprised up to 60% or more of the ruling elite during the medieval period of Indian history. It

should also be noted that Timurid King, Babar, founder of the Mughal dynasty, was a Cagtai

Turk and wrote his Babarname in Cagtai and not in Persian. So did his sons Humayun and

Kamran write poetry in Turkish. However, by the time of Akbar’s reign the percentage of Turkish

chieftains in the ruling elite had been reduced to one-fourth. It was a conscious political

decision, as Turks and specially Mongols, nomad by life style, are more independent by nature

and believe in equality and freedom. The Turanian/Mongolian concept of ruler ship is vested in

the family and not in an individual. Humayun and Akbar had great trouble in subduing and

disciplining their Turanian/Mongol origin nobles. Preference was given to Persians, Afghans &

converts.

 

11. It has been rightly claimed by many scholars in South India that a considerable process of

development and even preservation of Hindustani took place in Deccan where it came to be

known as Deccani, although the seeds of the birth of the language had been sown in North India

from where it was taken to Deccan by Muslims conquers starting with Turkish Khilji (Halac)

rulers and later Tughlak (again Turkish) rulers; Muhammed Tughlak even shifted his capital to

the South for some time. Later a large number of kingdoms by Turkic tribes, in which they

formed a fairly large proportion of the elite, were established in South India , i.e Bijapur,

Golcunda, etc. When Allaudin Khilji conquered Deccan , the appointed Turks as chiefs for each

villa e to look after its security, safety and administration. Most of them called their relatives to

assist them. Thus both in the beginning of the evolution of Hindustani in the North and later in its

further development in Deccan , a majority of the elite was of Turkic origin who while using

Persian for administration must have used Turkish at inter-personal level and thus helped

continue evolution of Hindustani in its various forms. The Deccani period also saw influx into

Hindustani of not only Dravadian words but also its influence on its grammar and syntax and

vice versa. We might even say that the Deccani period probably saved Hindustani from

becoming totally Persianised as perhaps happened to it at many places in North India ,

 

12. It has been estimated that Hindustani and Turkish have thousands of words in common,

mostly from Persian and Arabic, Some estimates put them around three to four thousand, with

over five to six hundred words of Turkish origin in Hindustani. The comparison is basically

with the Republic of Turkey ‘s Turkish (of Oguz family), which since 1930s has been purged of

many Arabic and Persian words. Perhaps the number of common words between Hindustani and

Turkish as spoken in East, i.e. Uzbekistan and East (Uighur and Cagtai family) could, perhaps,

be more. Some examples of Turkish(some may be persian) words in Hindustani are: Top, Tamancha, Barood, Nishan,

Chaku, Bahadur, Begum, Bulak, Chadar, Chhatri, Chakachak, chikin (embroidery), Chamcha,

Chechek, Dag, Surma, Bavarchi, Khazanchi, Bakshi (accountant), Coolie, Kanat, Kiyma, Kulcha,

Korma, Kotwal, Daroga, Koka, Kenchi, Naukar, etc. Obviously, the number of Turkigh words in

Hindustani is not as large as that of Persian and Arabic, because, the latter was the language of

the Holy Koran (although Seljuk Turk rulers in Asia Minor and Iran had discouraged use of

Arabic except for religion), which exercised influence over all believers and the former was the

language of administration and aristocracy. 

 

13. Hindustani has surprising similarity in Grammar and Syntax structure with Turkish, though

origins of both the languages are from different language families. For example, normally both in

Hindustani and in Turkish first comes the subject, then the object etc. and finally tie verb, i.e.

SOV order unless emphasis is to be given, with somewhat similar stem endings. There are

considerable resemblances in the declensions of the verb in Turkish and Hindustani. But,

Turkish has only one gender while Hindustani has two. As I know some Arabic, I can say that

there appears no similarity at all between Hindustani and Arabic syntax and grammar. I know

little Sanskrit or Persian grammar, but both languages belong to the same family of Indo-Iranian

group and my feeling is that their syntax is also closer to Hindustani. While Persian like Turkish

has one gender, Sanskrit has three, i.e. male, female and neuter. Sanskrit also allows more

flexibility in the placing of subject, object, etc. It may be admitted that human beings while

evolving speech patterns did not have much choice in shuffling subject, object, verb, etc. Still

that Sanskrit/Persian syntax is somewhat similar to Turkish, is a somewhat strange coincidence,

the latter belonging to the Ural-Altay group of languages. With Hindustani the similarity is

further accentuated. It may also be noted that the areas from where Turkish and Indo-European

languages emerged in Central Asia were not far from each other. Some similarities with Sanskrit

are: dvihyrdaya (carrying two hearts, pregnant), in Turkish “iki canli” means, the same, two

lives. In Hindi/Sanskrit, we have Chitrakar (painter) , Murtikar  in Persian Negar kar. In Turkish we have “Sanatkar”

(Artist), Curetkar (courageous). Sun in Sanskrit/Hindi is Dinesha, while in Turkish it is

“Gunes.” First segment in both “din” and “gun” means day – perhaps linked with sunrise in cold

climate. We may also note that the syntax of Germanic languages is quite different from Sanskrit

and Persian, which are supposed to belong to the same family of Indo-European languages. We

may now look at more similarities between Hindustani and Turkish. (Please note that in Turkish

C is pronounced as J and C as Ch, G is silent when placed between vowels, which it

accentuates. H: stands for Hindustani and T: for Turkish.)

 

14. There are no articles or declensions in Turkish or Hindustani; the relationship of the words

are expressed through ‘case endings’ as well as post-positions. (It would be interesting to study

if Turkish helped speedy change-over from declensions to post-positions from Apbhramsh to

Hindustani). The infinite noun functions as nominative and as indefinite. The accusative has thus

two forms: the definite (with accusative ending) and the indefinite (the same as the nominative).

Thus, “call a girl” – H: “ek larki bulao” T: “bir kiz çagir” but “call my servant”, H: “mere naukar

ko bulao”- T: “Benim hizmetciyi çagir”. The word order in Turkish and Hindustani is same

(This is also so in the following examples).

 

15. The genitive comes before the agent e.g. ‘the son of the teacher’ T: ‘ustanin oglu’ H: ‘ustad ka

beta’. The genitive also expresses possession: ‘whose house is this?’ T. “Bu ev kimindir?”, H:

‘Woh ghar kiska hai?’. If a noun is in present, it goes into the genitive. It must therefore be

constructed as: ‘the man(he) has a house’, T: “Adamin bir evi var”, H: “Adami ka ek ghar hai”.

Also ‘to have’ as incidental possession is similarly expressed: “I have a book”, T: ‘Ben de bir

kitab var’, H: ‘mere pas ek kitab hai’. The ablative is also used to express the comparative case:

‘the elephant is larger than the horse’ T: ‘Fil attan buyuktur’, H: ‘Hathi ghore se bara hai’. For

emphasis both languages use the Arabic adverb ‘ziada’ – for more. ‘In addition it can be rendered

as in T: ‘daha’ or in H: ‘bhi’. The adjective is before the active or passive voice and does not

change except in the case of (in H) adjectives ending with a. “The/a good girl, T: “iyi kiz”, H:

Achhi lardki”. The adjective can be strengthened in both languages through simple repetition as

well as through the adverb “very much ” T:( pek çok); H:( bahut).In H:’ Ahista ahista’ (slowly),

T:’ yavas yavas’. Quickly becomes, T: “çabuk çabuk”, H: ‘Jaldi Jaldi'( not used in Arabic and

Sanskrit perhaps). Sometimes alliteration is used, for example, H: ‘ulta multa’ mixed up. The

alliterations are found especially in the passive or active voice (substantive) e.g.;. H: “kitab

mitab” – books and suchlike and “bartan wartan”- dishes and suchlike, “Hara bhara”(Green),

“Chota mota”(small). In Turkish, ‘kötu mötu’ (so-so), ‘çocuk mocuk'(children etc), ‘tabak mabak’,

(plates and suchlike). Popular in both languages are doubled substantives: Turn by turn or “again

and again”, becomes in T: “dizi dizi” and in H: ‘ bari bari ‘.

 

16. Distributive are also thus expressed: “each man”, T: “bir bir (or tek tek) adam,” H: “ek ek

adami”, the interrogative further contains the meaning of the indefinite: “whoever”, T: “kim kim”,

H: “jo jo”. With number it is, T: “iki defa” H: “do dafa” (twice); 40 doors, in H: “Chalis

darwaza”, T: kirk kapi. In both languages numbers are preferably expressed without ‘and/or’ e.g.

‘five or ten’, H: panch das, T: bes on. Post positions are characteristic in both languages; ‘for the

dog’in H: ‘kutte ke vaste’, T: ‘köpek için’; and towards the house’, H: ‘ghar ke taraf’, T: ‘evin

tarafina’. As mentioned earlier, the verb is always found at the end of the sentence. The normal

sentence structure SOV is illustrated as follows: ‘I give this thick book with pleasure to that

good child’, T: ben sevincle, o iyi çocuga bu kalin kitabi veriyorum, H: ‘main khushi se us achhe

bacche ko yeh moti kitab deta hun’. In Turkish, verbs are often used with a Substantive or

Participle e.g. ‘etmek’ to make and ‘olmak’ to be, in H: ‘karna’- to do, and ‘hona’ -being. For

‘search’ T: ‘telaÿ etmek’, H: ‘talas karna’. Or ‘be present’, T: ‘dahil olmak’ H: ‘dakhil hona’.

Factual verbs are also similarly constructed. H: ‘bana’ (made), ‘banana’ (make), ‘banwana’ ( have

it made); in T: ‘Yapmak’ (make), ‘yaptirmak'( have it made), ;yapilmak'(to bo made); H:

‘Badalna'(to change oneself), ‘badlana'(changing), badalwana (to have it changed) becomes in T:

‘degismek’ (to change onself), ‘degistirmek’ (to change) and ‘degistirtmek (to have it changed).

 

17. Indirect speech is made direct ‘tell him to come here’, H: ‘Idhar ao usko bolo’, T: ‘buraya

gelsin diye ona söyleyin’. The verb root ending – ip in Turkish and the simple verb root in

Hindustani attached to the principal verb show the order of occurrence of an event. For example,

‘they saw the thief and held him fast’, H: ‘chor ko dekh umon ne usko pakra’, T: ‘Hirsizi görup

yakaladilar’. The constructed verbal form (in Turkish)- arak and (Hindustani)-kar, -arke serves

in the rendering of Subordinate or dependant clauses – ‘in which, during’ e.g. ‘taking a vessel, he

went to the well’ H: ‘bartan lekar kuan par gaya , T: ‘Canak alarak kuyuya gitti’. Also common

adverbial expressions such as ‘he came running’, T: ‘Kosarak geldi’, H: ‘daurkar aya’. As in

Turkish the twice repeated verb root plus e shows repeated or continuous action, as does the

twice repeated verb of the present participle, H: ‘main tairte tairte thak gaya ‘, T: ‘Yuze yuze

yoruldum’. Both languages have a number of vowel compositions, (in Hindustani) as when the

root as well as the (in Turkish) root plus a are set together with the declenated infinitive e.g. ‘to

be able to speak’ T: ‘konusabilmek’, H:’bol sakna’, ‘he began to say’ H: ‘woh bolne laga’, T:

‘Söylemege basladi’. Some similarities in idiomatic expressions are: the showing of suffering is

pointed out through the expression of ‘eating’- e.g. H: ‘lakri or mar khana’; T: ‘Sopa yemek’ – to

eat the stick – to get a beating. Endure suffering or to grieve, becomes in T: ‘Gam yemek’, H:

‘gham khana’. (Note: Many of the above mentioned examples have been taken from a 1955

article by Otto Spies on the subject – the only paper on the subject I have come across since I

published my earlier paper on 1.6.1994.)

 

18. The examples quoted above on the similarities of syntax, vocabulary, etc. Between Turkish

and Hindustani are based on comparison with the Ottoman and the present- day Turkish i.e. Oguz

branch as spoken in the Republic of Turkey . Syntax etc. of Turkish is quite similar to Eastern

Turkish i.e. Uighur branch although there are variations. But certainly the Eastern Turkish must

be closer to Hindustani as most of the Turkic tribes who came to Hindustan belonged to that

area. It may also be mentioned that of the common words in Turkish and Hindustani, whether of

Turkish origin or otherwise, 20% have quite different meanings and nuances when used in

Hindustani. This, of course is, true of even languages which have developed and evolved in

separate regions and are influenced by the environment and other factors and become quite

different from the original. Even in Turkic countries, the same words have different meaning e.g.

in Turkey or say in Sinkiang , Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan . It is for this reason that the Turkic

governments have set up Commissions consisting of scholars from Turkic speaking countries of

Central Asia, Turkey and Azerbaijan to prepare a comparative dictionary and grammar. (last

such attempt was made by Mahmud AI Kashghari in the 11th century AD.) The newly

independent countries in Central Asia feel that they must harmonise the syntax, grammar and

vocabulary of their languages. This has been the objective of many get togethers of Turkic

people, scholars and academicians, which have started taking place. Perhaps some Sanskirt,

Hindustani and Persian scholars could also join and discover further resemblance between

Turkish and Hindustani languages.

 

19. We will leave it to linguists and philologists to work out how Hindustani languages evolved

and developed but to a layman it is clear that people learn or try to learn the ruler’s language or

of a dominating power. It is for this reason that we see the dominance of English and French in

their former colonies and the lasting influence of these languages on the languages of the latter.

And it is for this reason alone that English continues to dominate international communications,

earlier because of the British influence and now on account of ths USA . I believe that even

whene languages were imposed, it is not as such the movement of races, as claimed, but only of

the powerful elites; military, political or economic. There were Copts and Berbers in North

Africa when the Arabs came and Byzantine Christians when Turks entered Asia Minor . Turkey

sent over 1.5 million Christians to Greece in 1920s out of a population of over 11 million, in

exchange for Muslim Turks; this was after 6 centuries of Islamisation and Turkification.

(Ironically, these included many thousand Christian Turks, who had come to Asia Minor earlier

than the Muslim Turks and had remained Christians.) Moldova ‘s Turks called Gagaoz are

Christians. Thus the languages and religions of the ruled do not change quickly and continue to

interact and affect each other. So was the case in Hindustan and elsewhere.

 

20. According to linguists the evolution of Hindustani or any other language is a result of contact

situation in which more than two languages interact on the basis of belonging to the ruler and the

ruled. The socio-linguistic forces give power and prestige to the languages of the ruler with the

result that it begins to exercise linguistic influence on the language of the ruled. First in the field

of vocabulary and later on in some vulnerable areas of syntax. But linguistic resemblance, apart

from common parentage, can also be based on geographical and physical proximity. Essentially

different but geographically and physically proximate languages are often known to exhibit

shared linguistic features. This probably explains similarities in Sanskrit and Turkish as these

languages originated around Central Asia . This also explains the similarities between

Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages or Persian, Turkish and Hindustani. This feature was

studied in detail by Mr. Emeneau, which led him to develop the concept of linguistic areas.

perhaps Central Asia , Anatolia , lran, Afghanistan and North Hindustan could be said to belong

to overlapping linguistic areas, where languages belonging to different families have acquired

common traits following interaction, as a result of which, this vast area shows shared linguistic

features like word-order, reduplication, inter-relations, negations, compound words etc. This

also explains similarities between Deccani Hindi and Telgu in certain areas of syntax.

 

21. It is noteworthy that except for some inscriptions near Orhon river, which are in Turkish

Rhunic script, which itself was derived from Aramaic (a fact contested by many experts), the

mother script of Semitic languages, Turkish has been mostly written in the script of the ruled

people. Brahmi, Kharoshti and Devanagri scripts, though not of the ruled, are perhaps the

earliest of scripts used for writing Turkish as spoken by Uighur Turks in Eastern Turkistan . They

were used in spite of many difficulties in expressing the Turkish vowels (not easier to write in

Persian or Arabic script either) which do not exist in Hindustani languages. Brahmi script is of

Indian origin; it might have been inspired by the Aramaic script, but is not related to it and was

used widely in Hindustan even before the Budhist era and was used by Mauryan King Ashoka

for inscriptions in India and elsewhere. It was taken to Central Asia and other neighbouring

countries. Out of Brahmi have evolved most other North Indian scripts like Devanagari, Bengali,

Gujarati etc. Apart from the modified Arabic script, the other scripts used for writing Turkish

are Cyrillic, introduced by the Russians in what are now Central Asian Republics , although at

one time it was written in the Latin script. This change-over to Cyrillic perhaps took place both

because the Turkish Republic had adopted it in early 1930s and for reasons of state, i.e.

maintaining a scriptal cohesiveness. The Russians wanted its citizens in Central Asia to use the

same script as of the dominant Russian language for easy switch over. It has been alleged that

during the Soviet days, differences in meanings of Turkish words in different republics were

encouraged. Thus Turkic languages have evolved differently in Eastern Turkistan , i.e.

Uzbekistan, Kyrghystan Kazakhstan etc . Sinkiang Turkish with reduced contacts has perhaps

developed peculiarities of its own. To remedy the situation, the Government of Turkey has

granted tens of thousands of scholarships to students and teachers from Turkic Republics . A

large number of Turkish teachers have also gone to teach at schools and universities in these

countries. Students coming from Uzbekistan , Kazakhstan , Kyrghystan, etc. take a few months

before they can fully master the Turkish as spoken in the Turkish Republic . The Turkic

Republics have considered the question of change over from the Cyrillic to the Latin script.

Azerbaijan has already done so after adding three more alphabets to the script used by Turkey .

Turkmenistan had decided to switch over to the Latin script with some modifications from 1st

January 1995. Others have not decided yet. The choice is not easy as switch-over to Latin script

while opening a window to Turkey and all that Turkey has done through translations and

assimilation of knowledge from the West, would cut these Republics from their immediate past,

written in the Cyrillic script. Switch over to the Arabic script would be a political decision, as

it will make access to the Persian-Arab Islamic world easier. Those responsible for the

decision for the change-over have to consider political, cultural, religious, economic and other

ramifications.

 

22. It would appear that the Turkic rulers were much more statesmen-like and liberal in

interaction with those whom they ruled. They did not insist on their language being imposed on

the new subjects, notwithstanding the fact that the languages of some of the ruled were much

more developed than Turkish. (For beautiful, like, love; for example, Turkish has very few

synonymous, unlike say Persian, Sanskrit, Arabic, etc.) It has also been suggested that many

Turkish rulers became Muslim for political and state-reasons. It automatically combined the

powers of the Sultan and the Khalifa, thus making it easier to rule the domains. Of course, as

regards Turkish expansion of Ottoman Empire and into Hindustan , being a Gazi provided great

incentive and booty. Some have even raised doubts whether Ertugrul, father of Osman who

established the Ottoman (Osmanli) dynasty in Asia Minor ( Anatolia ) was Muslim by birth. It has

been suggested that he converted to Islam when he married the daughter of a powerful Islamic

Sheikh to strengthen his position. But there is no conclusive proof for this, notwithstanding the

fact that many Turks like Gagaoz and others have remained Christians. Some suggestions have

been made recently (Prof. Julian Raby of Oxford has done a PhD thesis on this subject) that

Fetih, the Conqueror of Constantinpole, even seriously considered in 1450s embracing Orthodox

Christianity, as Westwards the population was mostly Christian and even in Asia Minor a fairly

large percentage of population might still have been Christian. lt was nearly 15% in as late as

1920s. The generosity of the Turkish rulers and their political wisdom and acumen is proved by

the fact that they allowed people of other religions i.e. Christians, Jews, Armenians to have their

own millets. As long as they paid their taxes, they were allowed to run their own affairs and

even contribute to the economic well-being of the state. As regards Turkey , then known as Asia

Minor, it was part of the Byzantine Empire and the Turkish blood (if one can measure it?) among

the residents of the present day Turkey may not be more than 20%. It may be recalled that the

Ottoman rulers themselves used the slave households system called Devsirme, through which,

for hundreds of years, they recruited young non- muslim Christian boys, mostly from Balkans.

Out of them emerged the Janissary corps and high level military and civilian leaders, including

grand veziers. Only one-third of grand veziers could claim Turkish descent. Barring a few,

mothers of most of the Ottoman Sultans were non-Turkish, a large number of them Christians.

The former were allowed to have their religious entourage and many Ottoman princes were

brought up almost as Christians. These examples have been given to state that Empires did not

change their religious, ethnic or linguistic character suddenly. There were long periods of

interaction between various religions, races, languages and cultures, one affecting the other. No

wonder, in Istanbul , Ankara and elsewhere in Turkey , many resemble the peoples of Balkans

and Yugoslavia who dominated the Ottoman elite. In fact, anthropologists have counted more

than 20 ethnic groups in Turkey .

 

23. Similarly in India , once the Turks had decided to settle down, they started inter-mingling and

inter-mixing. Allaudin Khilji and his sons married daughters of Hindu Kings and from the

earliest period set an example. Hindus occupied positions of power in his court. The practice of

marriages with families of Hindu Kings, especially in Rajasthan became very common after

Mughal Emperor Akbar. Akbar and his descendents gave full honour and positions to their

in-laws. Many of them were Mughal Commander-in-Chiefs and high officials. Accountants and

many Veziers like Birbal were Hindus. If Mehmet, the Conqueror, thought of embracing

Christianity, Akbar conversed with the sages of all religions, of which his populace consisted of

and even evolved a new religion ‘Din-e-Elahi’. In contrast, Aurangzeb following fanatic policies

virtually destroyed the empire, built up by his forefathers. The inter-mixing and respect for

others’ languages, religions and culture co-existed with some equality and were able to influence

each other.

 

24. The objective of this paper is to start discussions and further research on the question of

influence of Turkic languages on Hindustani languages, especially on Hindi and Urdu and their

various forms. Except from late 18th century till first half of 20th century there was constant

exchange and interaction between the peoples of Hindustan and Central Asia . 

BBC Persian gulf

By Jon Leyne
BBC News
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/8527729.stm

A Virgin Atlantic Airways Airbus Airlines that fail to comply with the ruling will be banned or detained
Iran has warned that airlines will be banned from flying into its
airspace, unless they use the term “Persian Gulf” on their in-flight monitors. The transport minister has threatened to impound planes that fail to comply.
The nation is most insistent that the stretch of water separating it from its southern neighbors should be known as the “Persian Gulf”.
To call it the Gulf, annoys the authorities; to call it the Arabian
Gulf, infuriates them even more.

BBCPERSIAN GULF
WHAT’S IN A NAME?
BBC style is to refer to the body of water between Iran and the
Arabian Peninsula as the Gulf
Iran calls it the Persian Gulf, also the more historically recognised term , Saudi Arabia and most other Arab states insist on calling it the Arabian Gulf
Conferences are held to make the matter quite clear, an ancient map with definitive proof of the correct name was sent on a world tour. And recently a foreign member of the cabin crew working for an Iranian airline was sacked and expelled from Iran when he got it wrong.
Now the Iranian transport minister has given foreign airlines 15 days to change the name to Persian Gulf on their in flight monitors.
If they failed, they would be prevented from entering Iranian
airspace, he warned. And if the offence was repeated, foreign airliners would be grounded and refused permission to leave Iran . Numerous Arab airlines fly into Iran every day, not to mention
Europeans and others, so it remains to be seen how they will respond.
As for the minister, Hamid Behbahani, it may or may not be a
coincidence that he is making a stand on this patriotic matter at A time when he is facing calls for his impeachment for alleged lack of competence.

Is This Iranian Politician ‘Too Pretty’ For Office?

دختری در قزوین از راهیابی به شورای شهر بازماند و مشهور شد.! 

 باورتان می شه  شورای شهر قزوین موفق  شد یک سرگرمی بزرگی برای مطبوعات جهان  درست کنه . تیتر همه روزنامه های تفریحی و سرگرمی این است که یک  دختر ایرانی بخاطر خوشگلی از سیاست منع شد.  خیلی ناز است برای سیاست/ و … خیلی س… است برای سیاست.  اینها تیتز بعضی مجله های سیاسسی و غیر سیاسی است. خبر زیر ایندپندنت نقل شده اما در یوتوب نیز شبکه های تلویزیونی جوکهای زیادی ساخته اند. خبرگزاری ها  تیتر زده اند آیا این دختر خیلی خوشگله؟؟!  که نتونه بره شورای شهر!

روزنامه تایمز لندن، روزنامه ایندیپندنت، آبزرور، شبکه خبری فرانس 24 و شبکه خبری فاکس نیوز و… تایمز آف ایندیا و …  با بازتاب دادن ردصلاحیت خانم “نینا سیاهکالی مرادی” عضو رد صلاحیت شده علی البدل شورای شهر قزوین، این اقدام را به جذابیت های زنانه و پوسترهای تبلیغاتی این نامزد انتخاباتی نسبت داده اند.

Iran-Politiciansimaa

An electoral candidate who won a place on a city council in Iran has reportedly been barred from taking up the seat because she is too attractive.

Iranian Politician Deemed Too Pretty to Hold Office

During the polls in the city of Qazvin,(Caspian) 27-year-old

Nina Siahkali Moradi received 10,000 votes, placing her 14th out of 163 candidates . She was named as an “alternate member of the Council” — in effect, the first reserve. But when one of those ranked above her was selected as mayor and gave up his seat, Moradi was disqualified and prevented from filling the vacancy. A senior official in Qazvin was quoted in the Times to have explained the decision by saying: “We don’t want a catwalk model on the council.”

Moradi is a graduate student of architecture, and with the help of friends ran a visually impressive and high profile election campaign . The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said that the disqualification was apparently because of her “nonobservance of Islamic codes” , and reported suggestions that her election campaign posters were the basis for complaints from conservative rivals.

“Almost 10,000 people voted for me and based on that I should be the first alternate member of the City Council,” Moradi told local media. The electoral review board, comprised of elder conservatives, disagreed.

Seyed Reza Hossaini, Qazvin’s representative in Parliament and a review board member, told the news agency IranWire: “Her votes have been nullified due to her disqualification, as the review board didn’t approve her credentials. We have told her the reason for her disqualification .”

During the polls in the city of Qazvin(Caspian)

Indian ship was detained in the Persian Gulf

 

Tehran authorities conveyed to India that the ship was polluting  persian gulf  and Iranian waters. according to the report of the Regional Association to Protect Marine Environment (RAPMI)

New Delhi: Iran has detained India’s largest ocean liner Shipping Corporation (SCI)’s vessel carrying crude from Iraq on Tuesday, following which government is engaged in hectic diplomatic parleys with the Iranians to secure release of the tanker.The tanker, MT Desh Shanti, was detained while carrying oil, after which India, through its mission in Tehran, is engaged in hectic negotiations for the past two days, officials said.MT Desh Shanti was detained in the international waters in the Persian Gulf by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), an SCI official told PTI.

 

The official said the tanker, which was carrying crude oil from Iraq, was not seized and just detained by the IRGC for some inspections amid environmental concerns.

The reason was not accepted by the Indian officials in Delhi because the ship after being detained was taken into Iranian waters.

Iranians have agreed to release the vessel only after securing some undertakings from the captain of the ship, officials said.

The Shipping Ministry was looking into the issue, a senior ministry official said.

The development assumes significance as it comes at a time when India has taken steps to reduce its crude imports from Iran.

BBCPERSIAN GULFOil imports from Iran have been cut, after sanctions imposed by the US and the European Union (EU).India’s crude imports from Iran plunged by more than 26.5 per cent in the 2012-13 financial year (April-March) as US and European sanctions on Tehran combined to make it difficult for Indian refiners to ship Iranian oil.Imports of Iranian crude fell to 13.3 million mt, or close to 267,100 b/d, in 2012-13 from 18.1 million mt, or around 362,500 b/d, in 2011-12.Earlier sources had said Iran had slipped to sixth place among India’s top crude suppliers in the year to March 31 from second place behind OPEC kingpin Saudi Arabia in the previous financial year.Imports from Iran were as high as 21.2 million mt, or 425,000 b/d, in 2009-10 before dropping to 18.5 million mt, or 371,520 b/d in 2010-11.

India’s total volume of imported crude, meanwhile, rose to 182.5 million mt, or 3.67 million b/d, in 2012-13 from 171.7 million mt (3.44 million b/d) in 2011-12, 163.4 million mt (3.28 million mt) in 2010-11 and 159.2 million mt (3.2 million b/d) in 2009-10.

NEW DELHI: In a development with serious international r

national geog.parssea.org

amifications, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has detained an Indian ship carrying oil in the Persian Gulf. Sources said the ship, named MT Desh Shanti, was on its way to India from Iraq when it was detained by the IRGC.

The ship is owned by the Shipping Corporation of India. The development has stunned authorities here as it was transporting oil from Iraq, a country which has overtaken Iran as the second largest supplier of crude to India after Saudi Arabia.

 

The government-owned ship was detained in international waters in the Persian Gulf before being coerced into entering Iranian waters. Late Wednesday evening, the ship was on its way to the Bandar Abbas port, guided by the IRGC.

Sources said Iran claimed to have detained the ship because of environmental concerns. Tehran authorities conveyed to India that the ship was polluting Iranian waters, but this is being seen as flimsy reasoning.

The development has shocked the Indian establishment, which on Wednesday evening was still trying to gather information on the incident. Although India has taken steps to reduce its crude imports from Iran, Tehran had never hinted that it could resort to such drastic actions.

India has cut crude imports from Iran, a fallout of sanctions imposed by the US and the EU. The cut, in fact, helped India — along with China and South Korea — win a waiver from the US allowing it to continue to import crude from Iran.

In 2012, India is estimated to have imported crude from Iraq worth more than $15 billion. IOC is the largest importer of crude oil from Iraq. In October 2010, Iraq replaced Iran as the country with the third largest proven reserves of 143.1 billion barrels of oil.

For India, it is not far-fetched to draw the conclusion that Tehran is peeved with India’s rising crude imports from Iraq and that the seizure of the ship may be a way of showing its displeasure. But this doesn’t just have consequences for India-Iran ties but also internationally, as it will raise questions about what Tehran intends to do in the Persian Gulf where it has even threatened use of force in the past to show its influence in the oil trade.

PERSIAN Gulf india

Iranian authorities are known to have recently threatened that Tehran will block the crucialStrait of Hormuz oil trade route in the face of sanctions imposed by western countries. The Strait of Hormuz links the Gulf with the Indian Ocean, facilitating transport of oil from major oil producing countries like Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar. Iran’s vice-president Mohammad Reza Rahimi had warned in 2011 that “not a drop of oil” would be allowed to pass through the Strait of Hormuz if more sanctions were imposed on Iran.

 

توقیف یک نفتکش هندی در خلیج فارس توسط سپاه پاسداران

سپاه پاسداران یک نفتکش هندی را که از عراق عازم هندوستان بود، در خلیج فارس توقیف کرد.

به گزارش  روزنامه تایمز هندوستان  و خبرگزاری ها ، یک نفتکش هندی به نام دش شانتی که از عراق عازم هندوستان بود در خلیج فارس توسط سپاه پاسداران توقیف شد.

توقیف این کشتی که متعلق به شرکت حمل و نقل هندوستان است باعث سردرگمی مقامات هندی شده است. این نفتکش روز چهارشنبه در آبهای بین المللی خلیج فارس بازداشت شده است و توسط سپاه پاسداران به سمت بندر عباس هدایت شده است.

روزنامه تایمز هندوستان به نقل از منابع خود می گوید که بازداشت این کشتی به دلیل نگرانی های زیست محیطی صورت گرفته است.

مقامات ایران می گویند این نفتکش آبهای ایران را آلوده کرده است اما این روزنامه دلایل تهران را سست و غیر قابل اتکا می داند.

تعجب مقامات هندی تا حدودی از آنجا ناشی می شود که با وجود کاهش واردات نفت خام هند از ایران، تهران هرگز اشاره ای به تمایلش برای انجام چنین اقداماتی بروز نداده بود.

واردات نفت هندوستان از ایران که به دلیل تحریم های ایالات متحده علیه ایران رخ داده به این کشور – در کنار چین و کره جنوبی- کمک کرده است تا از تحریم های آمریکا مستثنی شود.

در اکتبر 2010 عراق با پیشی گرفتن از ایران در جایگاه دوم صادر کنندگان نفت در دنیا قرار گرفت. واردات نفت از عراق به هندوستان در سال 2012 به رقم پانزده میلیارد دلار رسید.

تایمز هندوستان در ادامه با لحنی تهدید آمیز می نویسد: ” برای هند چندان دور از ذهن نیست که اقدام ایران در توقیف کشتی هندی به دلیل نارضایتی اش از کاهش واردات نفت هند از این کشور بوده است اما ایران باید بداند چنین اقداماتی نه تنها روابط بین دو کشور را خدشه دار می کند بلکه عواقب بین المللی برای ایران خواهد داشت. عواقبی که ناشی از توجه به نقش ایران در خلیج فارس به عنوان کنترل کننده عبور و مرور نفت خواهد بود.”

A Letter from Alexander to Aristotle. Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf in the letter of

می دانیم بر اساس کتابهای تاریخی که اسکندر نامه هایی به استادش/ارسطو/ ارستو

نوشته  اما اینکه این متن دقیقا  همان متن اولیه است  ما نمی دانیم.

The Internet History Sourcebooks Project is dedicated to making original primary sources available on the Internet. An important aspect of using primary source material is learning how to critique a source. It is quite possible, for example, for a source to be invented, to be edited, or to be mistranslated. Checking into the authenticity and reliability of a source is called source criticism. The text and commentary here present an example of how sources may be invented, and misused, and of the way historians respond.

In September 1998 the Republic of Macedonia website posted the following text on its pages. [See here for the text as on RoM site]. Here various parts are highlighted for later discussion.

ajamJNU

        To Aristotle of Stagirus, director of the school at Athens

My great and beloved teacher, dear Aristotle!

It is a very, very long time since I wrote to you; but as you know I have been over-occupied with military matters, and while we were marching through Hyrcania, Drangiana, and Gedrosia, conquering Bactria, and advancing beyond the Indus, I had neither the time nor the inclination to take up my pen. I have now been back in Susa for some months; but I have been so overwhelmed with administrative business, appointing officials, and mopping up all kinds of intrigues and revolts, that I have not had a moment till today to write to you about myself. Of course, you know roughly from the official reports what I have been doing; but both my devotion to you and my confidence in your influence on cultivated Hellenic circles urge me once more to open my heart to you as my revered teacher and spiritual guide.

I remember that years ago (how far away it seems to me now!) I wrote you an absurd and enthusiastic letter on the tomb of Achilles; I was on the threshold of my Persian expedition, and I vowed then that my model for life should be the valiant son of Peleus. I dreamed only of heroism and greatness; I had already won my victory over Thrace, and I thought that I was advancing against Darius at the head of my Macedonians and Hellenes simply to cover myself with laurels worthy of my ancestors. I can say that I did not fall short of my ideal either at Chaeronea or at Granicus; but today I hold a very different view of the political significance of my actions at that time. The sober truth is that our Macedonia was constantly threatened from the north by the Thracian barbarians; they could have attacked us at an unfavorable moment which the Greeks would have used to violate their treaty and break away from Macedonia. It was absolutely necessary to subdue Thrace so that Macedonia should have her flank covered in the event of Greek treachery. It was sheer political necessity, my dear Aristotle; but your pupil did not understand this thoroughly then and gave himself up to dreams of exploits like those of Achilles.

With the conquest of Thrace our situation changed: we controlled the whole of the western coast of the Aegean; but our mastery of the Aegean was threatened by the maritime power of Persia. Fortunately I struck before Darius was ready. I thought I was following in the footsteps of Achilles and should have the glory of conquering a new Ilium for Greece; actually, as I see today, it was absolutely necessary to drive the Persians back from the Aegean Sea; and I drove them back, my dear master, so thoroughly that I occupied the whole of Bithynia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia, laid waste Cilicia, and only stopped at Tarsus. Asia Minor was ours. Not only the old Aegean basin but the whole northern coast of the Mediterranean was in our hands.

You would have said, my dear Aristotle, that my principal political and strategic aim – namely, the final expulsion of Persia from Hellenic waters – was now completely achieved. But with the conquest of Asia Minor a new situation arose: our new shores might be threatened from the south – that is, from Phoenicia or Egypt; Persia might receive reinforcements or material from there for further wars against us. It was thus essential to occupy the Tyrian coasts and control Egypt; in this way we became masters of the entire littoral. But simultaneously a new danger arose: that Darius, relying on his rich Mesopotamia, might fling himself upon Syria and tear our Egyptian dominions from our base in Asia Minor. I therefore had to crush Darius at any cost; I succeeded in doing this at Gaugamela; as you know, Babylon and Susa, Persepolis and Pasargadae, dropped into our lap.

This gave us control of the Persian Gulf;  but so as to protect these new dominions against possible invasions from the north we had to set out northward against the Medes and Hyrcanians.

Now our dominions stretched from the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf but lay open to the east; I advanced with my Macedonians to the borders of Area and Drangiana, I laid waste Gedrosia, and gave Arachosia a thrashing, after which I occupied Bactria as a conqueror; and to safeguard these military victories by a lasting union, I took the Bactrian Princess Roxana to wife. It was a simple political necessity; I had conquered so many Eastern lands for my Macedonians and Greeks that willy-nilly I had to win over my barbarous Eastern subjects by my appearance and splendor, without which these poor shepherds cannot imagine a powerful ruler. The truth is that my old Macedonian Guard took it badly; perhaps they thought that their old commander was becoming estranged from his war comrades. Unfortunately I had to have my old friends Philotas and Calisthenes executed; my dear Parmenion lost his life, too. I was very sorry about this; but it was unavoidable if the rebellion of my Macedonians was not to endanger my next step. I was, in fact, just preparing for my expedition to India. I must tell you that Gedrosia and Arachosia are enclosed within high mountains like fortifications; but for these fortifications to be impregnable they need a foreground from which to undertake a sally or a withdrawal behind the ramparts. This strategic foreground is India as far as the Indus. It was a military necessity to occupy this territory and with it the bridgehead on the farther bank of the Indus; no responsible soldier or statesman would have acted otherwise; but when we reached the river Hyphasis my Macedonians began to make a fuss and say they were too tired, ill, or homesick to go any farther. I had to come back; it was a terrible journey for my veterans, but still worse for me; I had intended to reach the Bay of Bengal to secure a natural frontier in the east for my Macedonia and now I was forced to abandon this task for a time.

I returned to Susa. I could be satisfied at having conquered such an empire for my Macedonians and Hellenes. But so as not to have to rely entirely on my exhausted people I took thirty thousand Persians into my army; they are good soldiers and I urgently need them for the defense of my Eastern frontiers. And do you know, my old soldiers are extremely annoyed about it. They cannot even understand that in winning for my people Oriental territories a hundred times greater than our own country I have become the great King of the East; that I must choose my officials and counselors from amongst the Orientals and surround myself with an Oriental court; all this is a self-evident political necessity which I am carrying out in the interests of Greater Macedonia. Circumstances demand of me more and more personal sacrifices; I bear them without complaint, for I think of the greatness and strength of my beloved country. I have to endure the barbarous luxury of my power and magnificence; I have taken to wife three princesses of Eastern kingdoms; and now, my dear Aristotle, I have actually become a god.

Yes, my dear master, I have had myself proclaimed god; my good Eastern subjects kneel to me and bring me sacrifices. It is a political necessity if I am to have the requisite authority over these mountain shepherds and these camel drivers. How far away are the days when you taught me to use reason and logic! But reason itself bids me adapt my means to human unreason. At first glance my career must appear fantastic to anyone; but now when I think it over at night in the quiet of my godlike study I see that I have never undertaken anything which was not rendered absolutely necessary by my preceding step.

You see, my dear Aristotle, it would be in the interests of peace and order, and consistent with political interests, if I were recognized as god in my Western territories as well. It would free my hands here in the East if my own Macedonia and Hellas accepted the political principle of my absolute authority; I could set out with a quiet heart to secure for my own land of Greece her natural frontiers on the coast of China. I should thus secure the power and safety of my Macedonia for all eternity. As you see, this is a sober and reasonable plan; I have long ceased to be the visionary who swore an oath on the tomb of Achilles. If I ask you now as my wise friend and guide to prepare the way by philosophy and to justify my proclamation as god in such a way as to be acceptable to my Greeks and Macedonians, I do so as a responsible politician and statesman; I leave it to you to consider whether you wish to undertake this task as a reasonable and patriotic work and one which is politically necessary.

Greetings, my dear Aristotle,

from your Alexander

=====================================

======================================

Arrian: Speech of Alexander the Great, 

from The Campaigns of Alexander


I observe, gentlemen, that when I would lead you on a new venture you no longer follow me with your old spirit. I have asked you to meet me that we may come to a decision together: are we, upon my advice, to go forward, or, upon yours, to turn back?

If you have any complaint to make about the results of your efforts hitherto, or about myself as your commander, there is no more to say. But let me remind you: through your courage and endurance you have gained possession of Ionia, the Hellespont, both Phrygias, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Phoenicia, and Egypt; the Greek part of Libya is now yours, together with much of Arabia, lowland Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylon, and Susia; Persia and Media with all the territories either formerly controlled by them or not are in your hands; you have made yourselves masters of the lands beyond the Caspian Gates, beyond the Caucasus, beyond the Tanais, of Bactria, Hyrcania, and the Hyrcanian sea; we have driven the Scythians back into the desert; and Indus and Hydaspes, Acesines and Hydraotes flow now through country which is ours. With all that accomplished, why do you hesitate to extend the power of Macedon–your power–to the Hyphasis and the tribes on the other side ? Are you afraid that a few natives who may still be left will offer opposition? Come, come! These natives either surrender without a blow or are caught on the run–or leave their country undefended for your taking; and when we take it, we make a present of it to those who have joined us of their own free will and fight on our side.

For a man who is a man, work, in my belief, if it is directed to noble ends, has no object beyond itself; none the less, if any of you wish to know what limit may be set to this particular camapaign, let me tell you that the area of country still ahead of us, from here to the Ganges and the Eastern ocean, is comparatively small.

You will undoubtedly find that this ocean is connected with the Hyrcanian Sea, for the great Stream of Ocean encircles the earth. Moreover I shall prove to you, my friends, that the Indian and Persian Gulfs and the Hyrcanian Sea are all three connected and continuous.

Our ships will sail round from the Persian Gulf to Libya as far as the Pillars of Hercules, whence all Libya to the eastward will soon be ours, and all Asia too, and to this empire there will be no boundaries but what God Himself has made for the whole world.

But if you turn back now, there will remain unconquered many warlike peoples between the Hyphasis and the Eastern Ocean, and many more to the northward and the Hyrcanian Sea, with the Scythians, too, not far away; so that if we withdraw now there is a danger that the territory which we do not yet securely hold may be stirred to revolt by some nation or other we have not yet forced into submission. Should that happen, all that we have done and suffered will have proved fruitless–or we shall be faced with the task of doing it over again from the beginning. Gentlemen of Macedon, and you, my friends and allies, this must not be. Stand firm; for well you know that hardship and danger are the price of glory, and that sweet is the savour of a life of courage and of deathless renown beyond the grave.

Are you not aware that if Heracles, my ancestor, had gone no further than Tiryns or Argos–or even than the Peloponnese or Thebes–he could never have won the glory which changed him from a man into a god, actual or apparent? Even Dionysus, who is a god indeed, in a sense beyond what is applicable to Heracles, faced not a few laborious tasks; yet we have done more: we have passed beyond Nysa and we have taken the rock of Aornos which Heracles himself could not take. Come, then; add the rest of Asia to what you already possess–a small addition to the great sum of your conquests. What great or noble work could we ourselves have achieved had we thought it enough, living at ease in Macedon, merely to guard our homes, accepting no burden beyond checking the encroachment of the Thracians on our borders, or the Illyrians and Triballians, or perhaps such Greeks as might prove a menace to our comfort ?

I could not have blamed you for being the first to lose heart if I, your commander, had not shared in your exhausting marches and your perilous campaigns; it would have been natural enough if you had done all the work merely for others to reap the reward. But it is not so. You and I, gentlemen, have shared the labour and shared the danger, and the rewards are for us all. The conquered territory belongs to you; from your ranks the governors of it are chosen; already the greater part of its treasure passes into your hands, and when all Asia is overrun, then indeed I will go further than the mere satisfaction of our ambitions: the utmost hopes of riches or power which each one of you cherishes will be far surpassed, and whoever wishes to return home will be allowed to go, either with me or without me. I will make those who stay the envy of those who return

http://www.fordham.edu/Halsall/ancient/arrian-alexander1.asp

مورسی می خواست شریعت اسلام را فوری اجرا کند کاری که اردوغان با صبر و حوصله دنبال می کند

 

What Morsy did not learn from Erdogan

 

Unlike the Turkish Prime Minister, who waited patiently to implement his Islamist agenda and sideline the army, the ousted Egyptian President rushed to impose the Brotherhood’s programme on an unwilling nation

Nations, like individuals, seldom learn from the mistakes, as well as successes, of others. Mohamed Morsy, the ousted President of Egypt, ought to have observed the hitherto cautious approach adopted by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Prime Minister of Turkey. Mr. Erdogan bided his time to gradually implement the Islamist agendaof his party (the Justice and Development Party) and to sideline the army’s role as the self-appointed guardian of the country’s secular character. His patient approach has paid off handsomely, with a majority of Turks backing him and his party.

Blatant acts

Mr. Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood too commanded significant support in Egypt. They had things going for them. But, unlike in Turkey, they were in too much of a hurry to implement their Islamist agenda. The fact that the Brotherhood had been persecuted for over 50 years and waited so long for power had no doubt a lot to do with its impatience. An Islam-oriented Constitution was imposed. Brotherhood members were blatantly appointed as governors and to other key positions. While the mediation between Hamas and Fatah in Palestine was successfully brought about, the ruling regime in Syria was condemned and diplomatic ties with it were ruptured. This last step was clearly carried out on sectarian considerations as also to please the Americans since it followed closely on the heels of United States President Barack Obama’s decision to provide more weapons to the rebels, and most probably did not reflect popular sentiment.

Now, it is the turn of the Egyptian military to imbibe lessons from recent Turkish history. It must not assume that it has become genuinely popular and can act in a blatantly anti-democratic manner. The genie of people empowerment has come out of the bottle in the largest Arab country and it will definitely not acquiesce in a prolonged power grab by the army. Millions will again take to the streets if they feel their hard won power is slipping away from their hands. The ‘moderate’ Islamist regimes in Tunisia and Libya would no doubt draw their own lessons from the Egyptian upheaval.

The foreign minister of Qatar, mediating on behalf of America, suggested compromise formulae during the critical days leading up to the June 30 demonstration, in essence advising the appointment of a new Prime Minister and calling for fresh parliamentary and presidential elections within about six months. The U.S. National Security Advisor was reported to be directly involved in these last minute parleys, but Mr. Morsy either did not see the writing on the wall, under-estimated popular sentiment or/and was not permitted any flexibility by the ‘murshid,’ leader of the Brotherhood.

Mr. Morsy’s behaviour could be explained by several factors, but the failure of the U.S. to read the situation correctly and its perseverance in interfering and influencing the course of developments are intriguing. It has given billions to Egypt since 1979 when the latter’s peace treaty with Israel was concluded. This gave the Americans access to the military but not a decisive clout; indeed they have become intensely unpopular in the country. The similarity with Pakistan on this count is striking.

There is yet another parallel with Af-Pak. Like with the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Americans have never had any problem with the Brotherhood. They have had very good relations with the Brotherhood for years. Though Mr. Morsy had taken certain steps, such as appearing to reopen contacts with Tehran, which the U.S. would not have approved, by and large, the U.S. was comfortable with him. According to several sources in Cairo, America had played a significant role in the events, which brought Mr. Morsy to power a year ago. Brotherhood leaders have frequently travelled to Washington. President Obama himself had received Essam al-Haddad, Mr. Morsy’s influential foreign policy advisor. Another point of striking similarity with Pakistan: the generals who overthrew the elected civilian heads of government in Islamabad and Cairo were handpicked for the job by the same civilian leaders.

The one country which was most upset with America on this score was Saudi Arabia which lost no time in expressing its pleasure at the downfall of Mr. Morsy by offering a big aid package to the new regime and prevailed upon its fellow Sunni sheikhs in UAE and Kuwait to cough up similar assistance. Qatar, which had given more than $8 billion to the Morsy regime, has suffered a setback, as has Turkey. Besides the ongoing ‘Great Game’ between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the region is witnessing another struggle for influence between the Saudis and Qataris. According to some sources, the abdication of the previous emir of Qatar in favour of his son has a complicated story, with the situation in Syria having something to do with it. The most significant development, however, is the breach of trust between Saudi Arabia and the U.S.

Persecution imminent

Israel will not have to worry about the peace treaty since it was the Egyptian military which had concluded it. There is no doubt that the Muslim Brotherhood will be persecuted. The military has always, since Nasser’s coup in 1952, dealt very harshly with it. The killing of several soldiers in the Sinai by suspected Islamic extremists is unlikely to be forgotten, much less forgiven, by the army. With the Brotherhood in the doghouse, its offshoot Hamas will become nervous about its relationship with the emerging regime in Cairo. Already there are reports of the military destroying scores of ‘tunnels’, which are the lifeline for the people of Gaza. Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian leader, would no doubt welcome Hamas’ weakening. Hamas, in turn, could resort to adventurism against Israel to remain relevant.

Impact on Syria

President Bashar al-Assad of Syria will surely welcome the developments in Cairo. In any case, no one even in Washington is talking of his early exit from power. The rebels are hopelessly divided and spending their energies and ammunition on killing one another.

The military has appointed an interim President and declared a rather speedy timetable to amend the Constitution by deleting the offensive provisions and submit it to a referendum, as well as hold presidential and parliamentary elections. Egypt will not have to go to the International Monetary Fund in a hurry in view of the largesse of Saudis and others. A professional and respected economist has been appointed Prime Minister.

Mr. Morsy’s followers are following the example of the Tahrir multitude; dozens of them have died at the hands of the security forces, but their deaths have not elicited any sympathy from the ‘secular’ crowd. This is sad. The military, like in Pakistan, has huge vested interests in Egypt’s economy. However, given the mood of the people and their ability to organise massive demonstrations through social media as well as readiness to face police excesses, it is unlikely that the army would try to overstay in power.

Needed healing touch

It is imperative for the authorities in Cairo to bring about an atmosphere of some trust and harmony; in the absence of a healing touch, Egypt could descend into a prolonged period of instability and civil strife. Egyptian general Abdel Fatah El-Sisi’s speech on July 24, exhorting people to come out on the streets and support the military’s crackdown on the Brotherhood does not bode well for two reasons: it clearly demonstrates that he is in charge and calls all the shots, and it further polarises Egyptian society. Let us hope all the similarities between Egypt and Pakistan do not lead Egypt into internal turmoil, with al Qaeda-affiliated groups fishing in troubled waters.

CHINMAYA R. GHAREKHAN

(The writer is Adjunct Senior Fellow, Delhi Policy Group, former Special Envoy of India for West Asia)

No country for Shias

Attacks against the Shias of Pakistan are now so frequent and so normal that they are seen in run rate terms.

Last Friday, after 57 Shias were murdered by two suicide bombers near Peshawar, the police told a New York Times reporter that “it’s like Ricky Ponting playing cricket.”

There has been an attack by the Taliban every day for the past five months in the frontier province, the report said. The militants have also gone after the army and the government, but local Shias remain a special target.

 اعدام سربازان

In Balochistan, Shias have been hunted down with such frequency that their killing does not even make it to the front pages. I have been writing columns in Pakistani papers for years, and I have noticed the casual manner in which these deaths are reported. Often, they involve the stopping of buses and the execution one after the other of all Shia passengers. These Baloch Shias are easy to identify because they are Hazaras, a community with Mongol ancestry.

In January, more than 120 of them were killed after a suicide bomber detonated himself in a snooker hall in Quetta. Cruelly, a bomb was then set off in an ambulance to also go after the rescuers.

In Pakistan’s largest city Karachi, a bomb killed 48 Shias in March. The targeting of the community is possible because it has separate mosques and unique religious processions. There is also segregation of Shias in Pakistani cities, just as Muslims live apart in India, and this has always been so.

For a few years now, however, the demand has been that the Shias be apostatised. Mohd Fayyaz, a candidate in this year’s election from Karachi told the BBC: “We don’t want to murder Shias. We want them to be declared non-Muslim in the National Assembly. That is what we’re working towards.”

Why are the Shias of Pakistan so hated? One reason has to do with Pakistan’s use of militias against India and in Afghanistan. The Lashkar-e-Taiba is part of the Ahl-e-Hadith, a group Fayyaz is part of. In Balochistan and southern Punjab the Shia killers are from the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, drawn from the same cadre as the Jaish-e-Mohammad.

The promotion of these groups by the State has meant that their ideology has also come to be seen as acceptable. And so the army and ISI are to blame.

The other reason, the main one, is actually the fault of politicians. Pakistani law emphasises religious and sectarian division. This can be directly attributed to Jinnah’s politics, and the actions of his lieutenants.

Pakistan’s constitution discriminates against Hindus, Sikhs and Christians, who are banned from holding high office. In the 1960s, President Ayub Khan wrote the law that barred non-Muslims from becoming president.

After him, in the 1970s, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto banned non-Muslims from becoming prime minister. Bhutto also constitutionally apostatised the Ahmedis, who are forbidden religious freedom.

terrorist-attack

And then, under President Zia-ul-Haq, came the turn of the Shias. This was done in 1980 through altering the penal code. A law was introduced that criminalised anything said against ‘any of the righteous caliphs (Khulafa-e-Rashideen) or companions (Sahaaba) of the Holy Prophet description for a term which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both’.

Now the Shia belief is that the only rightful successor to the prophet was his son-in-law Ali. They consider the other caliphs not righteous, as the law demands they do, but as usurpers. And so the introduction of this law made the practise of Shia doctrine a crime.

When the state itself discriminates in this manner, it is not surprising that society has gone the way it has. The constant emphasis on inclusion, which India’s founding fathers wisely stressed, has no parallel in Pakistan.

The ideological state insists on purity, and it should not surprise us that the state in Pakistan has begun to eat its own. The remarkable thing is that Jinnah, himself a Shia, did not know this and believed, or at least maintained, that Pakistan would be a pluralist society despite its founding along communal lines.

Today it is no longer accepted in Pakistan that he even thought this. A famous speech he made four days before Partition assuring all Pakistanis equality is lost and there is no audio record of it.

Six months after Jinnah’s death, his picked successors took the logic of Partition ahead and declared that ‘sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to Allah Almighty alone’.

They promised democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, but ‘as enunciated by Islam’. Minorities were given ‘adequate provision’ to ‘freely profess and practise their religions’. Zia arbitrarily removed the word ‘freely’ and its status in the constitution is now uncertain.

Today, Pakistan is the most violent place on earth and the victims of the terrorist violence in it are Muslims. The violence has become normalised and its levels and frequency no longer draw out any change in thinking, or any real alarm, in the government, civil society or the media.

Pakistanis often write that despite the predictions of doom, their nation is surviving. They are wrong to anticipate it as a big event. The collapse of the Pakistani state is happening not with a bang, unless it is the bang of the suicide bomber. It is coming with a slow, boring repetition.

Aakar Patel is a former Gujarati newspaper editor and a columnist for Mint 
The views expressed by the author are personal

Some ancient Persian inventions

Some ancient Persian inventions include :

the brick in 6000 BC and the windmill in about 1700 BC.

water clock 1000 Bc.800px-Ancient_water_clock_used_in_qanat_of_gonabad_2500_years_ago

watermill 1000BC.

alcohol by Razi

Carpet 2000BC

ICE CREAM.

WINE 3000BC

Threshing machine.

خرمن کوب قدیمی-ایران

QANAT OR QAREEZ.2000BC

house of water clockimage

The Arabs have been credited with the invention of algebra and trigonometry, but apparently, it was indeed the Persians. A Persian by the name of Avicenna even produced an important book about medicine called The Canon of Medicine. We can’t forget the invention of the ziggurat in 3000 BC as well. The ziggurat is a kind of temple that was important in ancient Persian religion.

Persia Cradle of Science, Technology

SATURDAY, MARCH 05, 2011

Active ImagePersia was a cradle of science in ancient times. Persian scientists contributed to the current understanding of nature, medicine, mathematics, and philosophy.

Persians made important contributions to algebra and chemistry, invented the wind-power machine, and the first distillation of alcohol. Trying to revive the golden time of Persian science, Iran’s scientists cautiously reach out to the world. Many individual Iranian scientists, along with the Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences and Academy of Sciences of Iran, are involved in this revival.

Iran is an example of a country that has made considerable advances through education and training, despite international sanctions in almost all aspects of research during the past 30 years. Iran’s university population swelled from 100,000 in 1979 to 2 million in 2006. Seventy percent of its science and engineering students are women.

Science in Persia evolved in two main phases separated by the arrival and widespread adoption of Islam in the region. Many of the today’s concepts in Science including Helio-Centric model of solar system, finite speed of light, and gravity were first proposed by Persian scientists.

Qanatas OR KAREEZ 
Active ImageQanat (a water management system used for irrigation) originated in pre-Achaemenid Persia. The oldest and largest known qanat is in the Iranian city of Gonabad which, after 2,700 years, still provides drinking and agricultural water to nearly 40,000 people.

Persian philosophers and inventors may have created the first batteries (sometimes known as the Baghdad Battery) in the Parthian or Sassanid eras. Some have suggested that the batteries may have been used medicinally. Other scientists believe the batteries were used for electroplating–transferring a thin layer of metal to another metal surface–a technique still used today and the focus of a common classroom experiment.

Windwheels were developed by the Babylonians ca. 1700 BC to pump water for irrigation. In the 7th century, Persian engineers in Greater Iran developed a more advanced wind-power machine, the windmill, building upon the basic model developed by the Babylonians.

Active ImageThe 12th century mathematician Muhammad Ibn Musa-al-Khwarazmi created the Logarithm table, developed algebra and expanded upon Persian and Indian arithmetic systems. His writings were translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona under the title: De jebra et almucabola. Robert of Chester also translated it under the title Liber algebras et almucabala.

The works of Khwarazmi exercised a profound influence on the development of mathematical thought in the medieval West.

Other Persian scientists included Abu Abbas Fazl Hatam, the Banu Musa brothers, Farahani, Omar Ibn Farakhan, Abu Zeid Ahmad Ibn Soheil Balkhi (9th century AD), Abul Vafa Bouzjani, Abu Jaafar Khan, Bijan Ibn Rostam Kouhi, Ahmad Ibn Abdul Jalil Qomi, Bu Nasr Iraqi, Abu Reyhan Birooni, the noted Iranian poet Hakim Omar Khayyam Neishaburi, Qatan Marvazi, Massoudi Ghaznavi (13th century AD), Khajeh Nassireddin Tusi, and Ghiasseddin Jamshidi Kashani.

Medicine jirofIRANCARPT PERSIA
The practice and study of medicine in Iran has a long and prolific history. Situated at the crossroads of the East and West, Persia was often involved in developments in ancient Greek and Indian medicine; pre- and post-Islamic Iran have been involved in medicine as well.

Active ImageFor example, the first teaching hospital where medical students methodically practiced on patients under the supervision of physicians was the Academy of Gundishapur in the Persian Empire. Some experts go so far as to claim that: “to a very large extent, the credit for the whole hospital system must be given to Persia”. The idea of xenotransplantation dates to the days of Achaemenidae (the Achaemenian dynasty), as evidenced by engravings of many mythologic chimeras still present in Persepolis.

Several documents still exist from which the definitions and treatments of the headache in medieval Persia can be ascertained.

These documents give detailed and precise clinical information on the different types of headaches. The medieval physicians listed various signs and symptoms, apparent causes, and hygienic and dietary rules for prevention of headaches. The medieval writings are both accurate and vivid, and they provide long lists of substances used in the treatment of headaches.

Many of the approaches of physicians in medieval Persia are accepted today; however, still more of them could be of use to modern medicine.

Active ImageIn the 10th century work of Shahnameh, Ferdowsi describes a Caesarean section performed on Rudaba, during which a special wine agent was prepared by a Zoroastrian priest and used to produce unconsciousness for the operation. Although largely mythical in content, the passage illustrates working knowledge of anesthesia in ancient Persia.

Later in the 10th century, Abu Bakr Muhammad Bin Zakaria Razi is considered the founder of practical physics and the inventor of the special or net weight of matter. His student, Abu Bakr Joveini, wrote the first comprehensive medical book in Persian language.

After the Islamic conquest of Iran, medicine continued to flourish with the rise of notables such as Rhazes and Haly Abbas, albeit Baghdad was the new cosmopolitan inheritor of Sassanid Jundishapur’s medical academy.

An idea of the number of medical works composed in Persian alone may be gathered from Adolf Fonahn’s Zur Quellenkunde der Persischen Medizin, published in Leipzig in 1910. The author enumerates over 400 works in the Persian language on medicine, excluding authors such as Avicenna, who wrote in Arabic. Author-historians Meyerhof, Casey Wood, and Hirschberg also have recorded the names of at least 80 oculists who contributed treatises on subjects related to ophthalmology from the beginning of 800 AD to the full flowering of Muslim medical literature in 1300 AD. Aside from the aforementioned, two other medical works attracted great attention in medieval Europe, namely Abu Mansur Muwaffaq’s Materia Medica, written around 950 AD, and the illustrated Anatomy of Mansur ibn Muhammad, written in 1396 AD.

Active ImageAstronomy
In 1000 AD, Biruni wrote an astronomical encyclopedia which discussed the possibility that the earth might rotate around the sun. This was before Tycho Brahe drew the first maps of the sky, using stylized animals to depict the constellations. In the tenth century, the Persian astronomer Abd al-Rahman al-Sufi cast his eyes upwards to the awning of stars overhead and was the first to record a galaxy out with our own. Gazing at the Andromeda galaxy he called it a “little cloud” –an apt description of the slightly wispy appearance of our galactic neighbor.

Biology 
Tusi believed that a body of matter is able to change but is not able to disappear entirely. He wrote “a body of matter cannot disappear completely. It only changes its form, condition, composition, color, and other properties, and turns into a different complex or elementary matter”.

Five hundred years later, Mikhail Lomonosov (1711–1765) and Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier (1743–1794) created the law of conservation of mass, setting down this same idea. However, it should be noted that Tusi argued for evolution within a firmly Islamic context–he did not, like Darwin, draw materialist conclusions from his theories.

Active ImageMoreover, unlike Darwin, he was arguing hypothetically: he did not attempt to provide empirical data for his theories. Nonetheless his arguments, which in some ways prefigure natural selection, are still considered remarkably ‘advanced’ for their time.

Bible of European Chemists
Jaber Ibn Hayyam, the famous Iranian chemist who died in 804 at Tous in Khorasan, was the father of a number of discoveries recorded in an encyclopedia and of many treatises covering two thousand topics, and these became the bible of European chemists of the 18th century, particularly of Lavoisier.

These works had a variety of uses including tinctures and their applications in tanning and textiles; distillations of plants and flowers; the origin of perfumes; therapeutic pharmacy, and gunpowder, a powerful military instrument possessed by Islam long before the West. Jabir ibn Hayyam, is widely regarded as the founder of chemistry, inventing many of the basic processes and equipment still used by chemists today such as distillation.

Physics 
Active ImageAbu Ali al-Hassan ibn al-Haytham is known in the West as Alhazen, born in 965 in Persia and dying in 1039 in Egypt. He is known as the father of optics for his writings on, and experiments with, lenses, mirrors, refraction, and reflection. He correctly stated that vision results from light that is reflected into the eye by an object, not emitted by the eye itself and reflected back, as Aristotle believed. He solved the problem of finding the locus of points on a spherical mirror from which light will be reflected to an observer. From his studies of refraction, he determined that the atmosphere has a definite height and that twilight is caused by refraction of solar radiation from beneath the horizon.

Biruni was the first scientist to formally propose that the speed of light is finite, before Galileo tried to experimentally prove this.

Kamal al-Din Al-Farisi (1267–1318) born in Tabriz, Iran, is known for giving the first mathematically satisfactory explanation of the rainbow, and an explication of the nature of colors that reformed the theory of Ibn al-Haytham. Al-Farisi also “proposed a model where the ray of light from the sun was refracted twice by a water droplet, one or more reflections occurring between the two refractions.”

He verified this through extensive experimentation using a transparent sphere filled with water and a camera obscura. He was also the first who scientifically explained the rainbow.

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